Emil Sanamyan's articles on Armenian-Americans, Armenia and its neighborhood.

Tuesday, June 26, 2007

Abkhazia and its Armenians

First published in the Armenian Reporter, April 28, 2007

Armenians of Abkhazia have three Parliament members but not one church.
Conversation with Diana Kerselyan, an Armenian from Abkhazia and its capital's councilmember.


Abkhazia is largely unknown outside the former Soviet Union. The republic, which was a favorite summer destination for many in ex-USSR, is located on the eastern shore of the Black Sea, just north of Turkey. After defeating Georgian forces in a bloody year-long war (1992-93), Abkhazia became de-facto independent and linked to the rest of the world mostly through Russia.

What is even less known, but sure to be of interest to our readers, is that Abkhazia's population has the largest proportion of ethnic Armenians of any other state entity outside the homeland. According to various estimates, Armenia’s share of Abkhazia’s population is between 20 and 30 percent.

On April 11, our Washington Editor Emil Sanamyan spoke with Diana Kerselyan, who was in Washington along with other activists from Abkhazia's non-government organizations and their counterparts from Georgia, for a program funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and administered by World Learning.

Kerselyan: I am a native of Abkhazia, where I have lived all my life and where my great-grandparents were born as well. My family are Hamshen Armenians with roots in Ordu [in northeastern Turkey]. I work at the Sukhumi Media Club and last February I was elected to the Sukhumi City Council, where I represent several thousand residents of Abkhazia's capital. After graduating from the philology faculty at Abkhazia's State University, I have been involved for the past nine years with various non-government organizations, first those dealing with conflict resolution, and more recently with mass media. I am also a member of the Sukhumi Armenian community council.

Reporter: What is Abkhazia today?

Kerselyan: This is a very small, a very beautiful country, which lives in very complicated circumstances. Abkhazia remains a multi-ethnic republic. In the most recent presidential elections in 2004, the electorate (those over 18 years old), was estimate at 214,000, which would put the total population at about 270,000. Of these some 100,000 are ethnic Abkhaz, 80,000 are Armenians, 70,000 are Georgian and Megrelians* and most of the rest are Russians, there are also Greeks and other smaller communities. The pre-war population was about half a million. Most Georgians have been forced to leave Abkhazia as a result the war, but since 1994 some 60,000 have been allowed to return to Abkhazia's eastern-most Gali district. A number of Abkhaz, Armenians and Russians have emigrated for economic reasons, mostly to Russia.

Most Abkhaz are Orthodox Christians, although there is influence of pre-Christian traditions as well. There are also Muslim Abkhaz, mostly repatriates from Turkey.

[Editor’s note: Abkhazia population estimates vary widely. Abkhazia’s Foreign Ministry at http://www.mfaabkhazia.org has a figure of 340,000 for the total population. But figures from Abkhazia’s State Statistics Directorate’s 2005 publication “Abkhazia in numbers,” reportedly based on 2003 census and cited at http://www.ethno-kavkaz.narod.ru/rnabkhazia.html, estimate the total population at 216,000, including 95,000 Abkhaz, 45,000 Armenians, 42,000 Georgians, 4,000 Megrelians, 25,000 Russians and Ukrainians, 1,500 Greeks and others.]

Reporter: What about Armenians living in Abkhazia?

Kerselyan: Majority of Abkhazia's Armenians trace their roots to Hamshen in Turkey's north-east. There is a strong sense of Armenian identity in Abkhazia, even though we speak a very distinct dialect of Western Armenian with heavy influence of Russian.

For me it is easier to group our community into two categories: those living in the capital, Sukhumi, and other towns, and the rest of Abkhazia. Populations of our capital and other towns are mixed and quite integrated. Inter-ethnic relations in the towns are really different from those in rural areas, where most people live in ethnically separate, largely closed communities.

In Sukhumi, there are no real inter-ethnic issues. There are a number of Armenian intellectuals, there are doctors and educators. There are a lot of inter-ethnic marriages with Armenians marrying Abkhaz, including my own marriage. This, by the way, was very rare before the war. And I have to say that this a good thing that helps prevent any sort of nationalistic tendencies. But due to economic difficulties many Armenians have left Abkhazia's towns. Sukhumi's Armenian population is now about 10,000.

As a result, most of Abkhazia's Armenians today are the ones living in rural areas, working the land or engaged in small business. They live throughout Abkhazia, but especially in the central Gulripsh district. And they do experience some discomfort, being essentially outside the mainstream processes in Abkhazia.

Reporter: So, there are entire Armenian villages in Abkhazia?

Kerselyan: There are many of them and I can't really list all right now. They include the village of Mtsara in Abkhazia's west, the first village founded by Armenians from Turkey when they began to settle in Abkhazia in the 1880s, much of the Gulripsh district, Atara Armianskaia, Labra and Aragich in Ochamchira district. There were also many Armenians in Tsebelda. But because that village is located close to the Kodori Gorge [the only part of Abkhazia controlled by Georgia], much of the local population has been displaced due to occasional fighting.

Reporter: And do Abkhazia's Armenians have an organization that represents them?

Kerselyan: It's really tough to talk about any real institutions. At the time of the war, Albert Topalyan emerged as the leader of Abkhaz Armenians. He initiated the creation of the Armenian battalion that fought on the Abkhaz side. After the war Topalyan established the Krunk [Crane] organization that sought to represent Armenians. At the same time, Topalyan held a number of positions in the government, including that of Deputy Prime Minister. In my view, although Topalyan did earn certain credentials during the war, since then he has not really been involved in dealing with any of the community's problems, but he was backed by our government. He is now retired.

There were other organizations, including the one in Gagra [in Abkhazia's west]. Some two to three years ago, we ventured to bring together all of Armenian organizations into one entity with three co-chairs. They include Galust Trapezonyan, a war hero and former Parliament member, head of the Gagra organization Khachik Minasyan and Sukhumi University professor Marietta Topchyan (she is also my aunt).

Institutionally, the community is very weak. There are very few people locally who can support it financially. We tried membership dues, but that did not work. The few things that we try to do are on the volunteer basis.

There is opposition within the community led by the former Sukhumi Armenian school director Albert Hovsepyan. This opposition criticizes the current leadership for not doing enough, but the reality is that resources are quite limited. This opposition has close relations with the current government of Abkhazia of President Sergei Bagapsh, with Hovsepyan selected as Vice-Speaker of Parliament, and, in effect, it blocks our attempts to win any support from the more affluent Armenian communities in Russia.

***

Armenians in Abkhaz politics

[Editor’s note: There was a tense contest to succeed Abkhazia's former President Vladislav Ardzinba who led Abkhazia from 1992 to 2004. Sergei Bagapsh eventually prevailed over Ardzinba-backed Raul Hajimba who settled for the mostly ceremonial post of vice-president.]

Reporter: So this division in the community, is it in part a result of the most recent election?

Kerselyan: During that election I was a member of the League of Citizens for Honest Elections, which was not aligned with either camp. My aunt, the Sukhumi community leader Marietta Topchian took a similar position. Our view was and is that such a neutral position is the only one that Armenians in Abkhazia can afford and that we can not let our community's votes be manipulated in the political process. We suggested that our community issue a statement in support of honest elections, in which each citizen is free to vote in accordance with his or her personal convictions independent of their ethnic origin.

In every election cycle in Abkhazia there has been an effort to manipulate the Armenian vote, since our vote can be quite decisive for the election's outcome. But it is my strong conviction that for the sake of its own welfare the community should not wholly side with one or another political camp in Abkhazia.

But the Hovsepyan-led opposition within the community was allied with Bagapsh from early on, presenting our essentially neutral position as allied with the other camp. That has led to many recriminations within our community that continue to this day.

Reporter: How many of Abkhazia's Parliament members are of Armenian origin?

Kerselyan: In the Parliament elected in March, there are three (including Vice-Speaker Hovsepyan) out of 35 total members. The other two are Sergei Matosyan from Gulripsh and Valeriy Mairamian from Gagra.

In the last election the community did try to increase that number but that did not work. In Parliament, there are also three ethnic Russians and two ethnic Georgians, representing the Gali region. There is this informal system of quotas. Certain electoral districts have been traditionally represented by individuals of a certain ethnicity.

We have tried to raise this issue. I think there should either be a legal basis for such quotas, so that there are no misunderstandings, or that system should be done away with and voters in every district should be able to elect whomever they decide.

In the last Parliamentary election, President Bagapsh even publicly suggested that Abkhaz should not try to run in majority non-Abkhaz districts. But in reality that did not really work. While in principle I would prefer not to have any quotas, today that may be the only practical solution.

Reporter: So Armenians, Russians and Georgians, relative to the size of their communities in Abkhazia, are underrepresented?

Kerselyan: You know, due to their history, Abkhaz have developed real sensitivity to this issue. Following the mass Abkhaz emigration to the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century and especially since Abkhazia was incorporated into Georgia [in 1931], Abkhaz have not comprised a majority within Abkhazia. And now, when they finally won their independence from Georgia, they are trying to preserve their [dominant] position within Abkhazia.

In a way, I can understand their concerns. There are many of us Armenians around the world, but there are really few Abkhaz. And they are trying to survive, trying to maintain their unique culture. And with financial constraints, there is not even enough money to develop and publish Abkhaz textbooks. Prior to the war, there were only a few token Abkhaz school, but in reality these were Russian school with some focus on Abkhaz history and language.

***
Festering conflict

Reporter: The conflict with Georgia remains legally unresolved. How's Georgia treating Abkhazia now?

Kerselyan: Well, there are no direct relations and there are not even negotiations on government level at this time. There are some civil society efforts, such as the one in which I am participating.

At the same time, there are persistent tensions and even occasional violence in the Kodori Gorge and the Gali district. There are various provocations there with Georgia pressuring local ethnic Georgians to boycott Abkhazia elections. There is the overall Georgian effort to build up their military and to advertise that, and their President Mikhail Saakashvili regularly promises to re-gain control over Abkhazia.

But in addition, there is an effort to woo in Abkhazia, including the Armenians of Abkhazia. They offer us Georgian passports and various financial incentives. But we can not just sell out like that. We fought for an idea, for independence, and we remain true to that. There is not enough money in the world to compensate for the loss of our loved ones in that war. They do not seem to understand that.

Reporter: But can it be said that another war is unlikely?

Kerselyan: I can not really say that because the current Georgian leadership's rhetoric and policies have been quite contradictory. So, I do not really know what to expect from them and can not rule anything out.

In South Ossetia [the other breakaway former Georgian autonomy] the Georgian government is trying to set up an alternative pro-Georgian government and is pouring money into that. Depending on results there, they could try to replicate some of that in Abkhazia too.

Reporter: With its international status unresolved, how is Abkhazia coping and how important is Russia in that?

Kerselyan: The U.S. government is supporting Georgia in their efforts, and, to a lesser extent, Europeans do as well. As a result, our only viable option at this time is to maintain and develop closer relations with Russia, creating a kind of an associated relationship.

There are also informal trade ties with Turkey, with cargo vessels going across the Black Sea. But Russia is of course much more important.

In recent years, the Russian government has lifted many of the past restrictions on Abkhazia. For some years now, we have been able to apply and receive Russian passports to be able to travel abroad. In the last couple of years we have been able to subscribe to Russian cellular service and we receive their television broadcasts. There is also regular train service between Sukhumi and Russia.



Reporter: Is Abkhazia in a sense getting used to being part of Russia?

Kerselyan: Not at all. There is a national idea in Abkhazia - one of independence. And even if there was an effort from within Abkhazia to lobby for some kind of a formal union with Russia, I think that would create a strong backlash and reaction within Abkhazia. We realize that Russia has its own interests. There is civil society in Abkhazia that seeks to build our democracy and try to develop relations with Europeans as well.

***
Armenian Homeland – so near, yet so distant

[Editor’s note: Armenia is only a couple of hours away from Abkhazia, via train to the Russian Black Sea town of Sochi, where there is also a large Armenian community, and a plane flight from there. Yet, Armenia has been careful not to engage Abkhazia not to antagonize Georgia.]

Reporter: Does Armenia have any formal presence in Abkhazia?

Kerselyan: No, not at all. Armenia had provided textbooks for Armenian schools in Abkhazia. But that was some years ago and since then there has not been any measurable assistance or presence by Armenia.

Reporter: How do you follow events in Armenia?

Kerselyan: I personally have close family in Armenia and try to visit regularly. But few Armenians in Abkhazia do have such connections, so for them most of the news they get comes from Russian television.

There is also a weekly publication called Hamshen put together by Artavazd Saretsian, who pulls various Armenian-related news stories off the internet and compiles a digest. This is purely volunteer effort of course.

Reporter: You mentioned there are some informal relations with Turkey, how have these developed?

Kerselyan: These relations exist primarily because of the large Abkhaz community in Turkey. A number of them came to Abkhazia to fight during the war and some have repatriated since then. In the last election, for the first time, two repatriates from Turkey were elected to Parliament. There are some private business investments by these repatriates.

Reporter: Has that Turkish presence had any repercussions for Armenians in Abkhazia?

Kerselyan: Well, not in any negative way. First, we do not perceive these repatriates as Turks. They are Abkhaz from Turkey. In many ways we went through similar historical circumstances, having been displaced from our respective homelands. So that, in a way, creates ground for better mutual understanding.

As a community, we hold annual commemoration of the Genocide on April 24 and Abkhaz officials attend them.

Reporter: If there is one issue that you wanted to headline this interview, what would it be?

Kerselyan: You know, we have not a single Armenian Church in Abkhazia. There was an effort to build a church shortly before World War I, but it was not completed. So, whenever, we are asked about our problems, we always mention this fact that we do not have a church.

*Megrelians are generally regarded as Georgians, residing in Georgia's Western third near and in Abkhazia. They speak a distinct dialect of Georgian.

In Brief on Armenia elections, Karabakh, Kosovo, Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan, Genocide Resolution, Obama, Clinton

First published in the Armenian Reporter on April 21, 2007

From Washington, In Brief
By Emil Sanamyan

Bush, Fried stress importance of elections in Armenia


President Bush sent a message of congratulations to Armenia’s newly-appointed Prime Minister Serge Sargsian. The message also noted that U.S. “expects” Sargsian to “make a great contribution to holding a free and fair election in accordance to international standards, which will serve as a serious stimulus for developing relations between the two countries,” PanArmenian.net reported on April 17.


At a roundtable discussion with journalists from the former Soviet republics held on April 11, Assistant Secretary of State Dan Fried said in reference to the May 12 parliamentary election that U.S. does not “expect perfection. We don't expect to go from deeply flawed to perfect, but we do expect to see substantial forward progress.”

In a comment sure to spark Armenia’s competitive streak, Fried told an Armenian journalist: “Given the strength of the Armenian Diaspora and given Armenia's links to the West, frankly, you ought to be way ahead of Georgia. But I ask you, are you in terms of democratic reforms?” (Answering a later question, Fried did acknowledge “shortcomings” in Georgia as well.)

Fried added: “Armenia should be doing better. It should be a leader. It should be a prospering country. It has all the ingredients. And lack of oil and gas is not necessarily a curse.”

U.S. renews warning to Azerbaijan over Karabakh…

Addressing the on again off again Azerbaijani threats to go to war against Armenians, Fried noted that “it is important to try to find a peaceful settlement. War will destroy everything Azerbaijan is trying to do… Azerbaijan has every opportunity, like Armenia, although the economies are very different, to have a very good 21st Century.”

Almost a year ago, during a similar roundtable discussion on April 4, 2006, Fried told an Azerbaijani journalist in attendance: “Your country's going to have a lot of money coming in from oil and gas, but only if there is peace. If there is war, there is no more money. All right? Just look at the map. You know what I'm talking about. You're well set up for peace. Of course, the oil and gas money won't do you any good unless it's well spent, but that's a different issue.”

…and argues for Kosovo independence

While U.S. officials continue to stress a “unique” nature of the Kosovo and other conflicts, the former Serbian province’s likely independence would still set an important precedent. U.S. and its allies are determined to recognize the independence of a breakaway region (Kosovo) despite opposition from its former ruler (Serbia) and an important international player (Russia).

In a prepared testimony for April 17 hearing in the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nick Burns stressed that “supervised independence for Kosovo is now the only way forward.” He added “We need to act now. We cannot afford to wait any longer. Until there is clarity, Kosovo's undefined status will be a source of increasing tension and instability.”

After a “period of international tutelage for a limited number of years” Kosovo will formally declare independence. U.S. and other Western allies will then move to recognize this independence even if Serbia and Russia continue to oppose it.

The House Committee, including its Chairman Tom Lantos, spoke overwhelmingly in support of Kosovo’s independence. Just two Committee members, Reps. Dan Burton (R-Ind.) and Diane Watson (D-Calif.) expressed opposition.

“Kosovo has been a part of Serbia for a long-long time,” said Rep. Burton, who has also been a big booster for Turkey, Azerbaijan and the former Zaire dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. “Externally imposed solution won’t work.” He warned that independence would lead to “bloodshed.”

Rep. Watson also worried that recognition of Kosovo’s independence would set a precedent for more conflicts and asked why U.S. would not support independence for Somaliland, Taiwan or Kurdistan “from either Iraq or Turkey.”

Turkish-Kurdish tensions heat up

Chairman of the Turkish General Staff, Gen. Yasar Buyukanit told reporters in no uncertain terms that he wants his army to go into Iraq “for a military operation” against Turkish Kurdish (PKK) rebels there, and the reason it has not yet done so is because “a governmental decision is required for that,” Turkey’s “semi-official” Anadolu news agency reported on April 12.

The reason this decision has not been made is because of U.S. opposition, which says that the rebel threat should be dealt with “in a cooperative way, in a joint way, rather than [through] unilateral actions,” argued the State Department spokesman Sean McCormack the same day.

Turkey claims that the recently increased tempo of operations against its forces in Turkish Kurdistan and occasional terrorist attacks against civilian targets inside Turkey are coordinated from northern Iraq. This view has been questioned, however, including by British journalist James Brandon, who is one of the few Westerners to visits the PKK camps in northern Iraq.

Speaking at the Jamestown Foundation on March 29, Brandon described the primitive condition and remote location of the camps which make any real coordination difficult if not impossible. He also argued that it would be in Turkey’s interest to make peace with secular PKK, whose leaders have stepped back from demands for independence.

Turkey’s real concern appears to be not with any activity generating imminent terrorist threats but the rise of a de-facto Kurdish state on its border with Iraq. In fact, the most recent Turkish saber-rattling came following the statement by the Iraqi Kurdish leader Mas’ud Barzani who told Al Arabiya TV that if Turkey continues its cross-border interference, Iraqi Kurds would respond by interfering inside Turkey. Fried called Barzani’s words “extremely unhelpful and unwise.”

Lobbying against Genocide resolution continues

Turkey’s Kurdish concerns dominated the April 17 event with senior Turkish Parliament members hosted by the Hudson Institute and moderated by its Zeyno Baran. At the same time, the MPs from both the governing and opposition parties stressed their displeasure with the House resolution on the Armenian Genocide (H. Res. 106), currently backed by 189 Congressmen.

In a quick interview with the Reporter, MP Erol Aslan Cebeci from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) likened the impact of the potential passage of the non-binding measure to Pearl Harbor, JFK assassination and 9/11 attacks. “Even people herding sheep in the mountains in Turkey, they will remember when this resolution will pass,” he claimed.

During the presentation, Cebeci warned that “Turks are an emotional group of people when it comes to these issues” and with resolutions continuing to pass through Congress and other parliaments, “believe me in my life time we will not see [Armenian-Turkish] normalization.”

Cebeci also argued that “Turks and the Turkish republic have come a long way on [the Genocide] issue in the last 10 to 15 years.” Back then, Cebeci said, the Turkish government would just say that “nobody died.” He went on: “Now you can hear that, yes, there were atrocities committed, yes there were massacres, but it was not one-way… That we regret this… But I don’t think there will ever be a point when the Turkish public will say that yes there was a genocide.”


MPs from the opposition Republican People’s Party, former Ambassadors to NATO and U.S. respectively, Onur Oymen and Sukru Elekdag suggested that U.S. Congress had no “jurisdiction” over the Genocide issue. Moreover, Oymen waived a copy of a book by denier Justin McCarthy and claimed that “580,000 Turks were killed by Armenians” (this is down from past claims of “two million” Turks killed).

The delegation also included the Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Mehmet Dulger, former Foreign Minister Yasar Yakis and MP Zekeriya Akcam, all from AKP.

Prominent Democratic Senators endorse Genocide resolution

Senate majority leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) and a top contender for the Democratic presidential nomination Sen. Hillary Clinton (D-N.Y.) have agreed to co-sponsor the Senate Genocide resolution (S. Res. 106), the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) reported on April 18.

During a Washington "breakfast briefing" held by Senators Dick Durbin (D.-Ill.) and Barack Obama (D.-Ill.) with Illinois residents on April 12, Sen. Obama was asked whether he planned to co-sponsor S. Res. 106 introduced last month by none other than Sen. Durbin.

In response to a question from the ANCA’s Karine Birazian, Sen. Obama said: "For those who aren't aware, there was a genocide that did take place against the Armenian people. It is one of these situations where we have seen a constant denial on the part of the Turkish government and others that this occurred. It has become a sore spot diplomatically. I have to check with my staff to find out what has gone on in our office that has resulted in us not signing on to [S. Res. 106]."

The Senate measure currently has 29 supporters.

In a statement last September, Sen. Obama said: “the Bush Administration’s policy concerning the Armenian Genocide is wrong and is untenable.” He nevertheless voted to approve the nomination of Ambassador Richard Hoagland, arguing that “it is in the best interest of the U.S.-Armenia relationship to have an effective U.S. ambassador in place.”