Russia gets results: Azerbaijan and Armenia sign declaration on Karabakh

First published in November 8, 2008 Armenian Reporter.

Russia brokers Armenia-Azerbaijan commitment to “a political settlement,” more talks
Declaration is first major development in peace process since 1994 cease-fire
Short on substance
by Emil Sanamyan

Washington - The presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan, meeting on the invitation of the Russian president in Moscow on November 2, pledged to reach "a political settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict" via intensified talks mediated by Russia, the United States, and France.

The text of the five-point declaration was read out by President Dmitry Medvedev on Russian television and carried in full by the Regnum news agency.

In substance, the declaration does little more than reiterate the parties' previously announced readiness to achieve a settlement through continued negotiations. It painstakingly avoids contentious issues and waters down any language that could be interpreted as a concession by either Armenia or Azerbaijan.

But the very fact of the declaration is likely to renew expectations for a peaceful settlement and provide for an important milestone in the peace process. Not since May 1992 have the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan signed a declaration of this kind.

Russian mediation, coming soon after the war in Georgia and Russian recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, is meant to reaffirm Russia's leadership role in the South Caucasus.

No commitment to the nonuse of force

The tortured language of the declaration is almost as important in what it painstakingly avoids to say through omission or deliberate vagueness as in what it says.

The first point commits the parties to a "political settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict." Importantly, it does not commit parties to maintain the cease-fire in place or the nonuse of force.

A political settlement, the declaration says, would be on "the basis of principles and norms of international law and solutions and documents adopted in their frames." It does not mention territorial integrity or self-determination or any specific solution or document.

The second point refers to developing "basic principles of a political settlement" in the future. Importantly, it refers to the "meeting" between the mediators, Armenia, and Azerbaijan during the OSCE Ministerial in Madrid in November 2007, rather than the principles offered by the mediators at that meeting. In effect the declaration leaves room for a substantial deviation from the so-called Madrid principles.

The third point stresses the need for "legally binding international guarantees of all . . . aspects and stages" of a peaceful settlement. The purpose of this point is not immediately clear. But it does mention "peaceful settlement" and "international guarantees" favored by Armenia, and "stages" favored by Azerbaijan.

The fourth point reiterates the presidents' commitment to continue with the settlement format in place since 1999 - bilateral meetings of the foreign ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan along with the three co-chairs, with occasional meetings of the two presidents.

The fifth point refers to the need for "confidence-building measures." Such measures have long been advocated by Armenia and the mediators; but far from committing Azerbaijan to dropping its hate rhetoric and implementing such measures, the declaration only stresses the importance of "promoting the creation of conditions" for the implementation of such measures.

The absence of any possibly controversial passage from the declaration confirms the impression that the Russian mediators wanted very much to have the Armenian and Azerbaijani presidents sign a joint declaration at the end of the summit initiated by Russia.

An important milestone

Although largely devoid of meaningful commitment to a peaceful settlement, the declaration is nevertheless historically important, since only twice before have leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan signed declarations committing themselves to finding a settlement of the Karabakh conflict.

The first was a joint communiqué (declaration) signed on September 23, 1991, in Zhelznovodsk, Russia, by Presidents Levon Ter-Petrossian and Ayaz Mutalibov, with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia and President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan. That declaration pledged a cease-fire and the annulment of both Armenia's decision to reunify with Karabakh and of Azerbaijan's decision to abolish Karabakh's autonomy; the declaration was followed by intensification in violence and a full-scale war in Karabakh.

The last time Armenian and Azerbaijani heads of state signed a joint declaration was in Tehran on May 7, 1992. That declaration was signed by President Ter-Petrossian, Azerbaijan's acting president Yaqub Mamedov, and Iran's President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. The declaration was followed by the first major Armenian military success in Karabakh - the liberation of Shushi - and the subsequent overthrow of Mr. Mamedov.

President Ter-Petrossian and President Heydar Aliyev later acceded to declarations by the heads of state of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in Moscow in April 1994 and the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in Budapest in December 1994 that called for efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement of the Karabakh conflict, which continue to this day.

The May 1994 cease-fire agreement, mediated by Russia, was signed by the speakers of parliament of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, and subsequently endorsed by the defense ministers of the three republics.

Russian leadership

More than anything, the Meiendorf Castle declaration of November 2 sought to underscore the leadership role played by Russia in the South Caucasus.

Early international mediation efforts in the Karabakh conflict were marked by competition between Russia and the West over who was best suited to help reach an agreement and, by extension, lead a peacekeeping mission in Karabakh.

By 1994 a compromise solution was found, where Russia would co-chair the CSCE (later OSCE) Minsk Group, with European countries rotating as the other co-chair every year.

In early 1997, Russia agreed to a further compromise, establishing a permanent troika of France, Russia, and the United States. A June 23, 1997, declaration by Presidents Jacques Chirac, Boris Yeltsin, and Bill Clinton in Denver (during a G8 Economic Summit) gave high-level political support to the format that continues to this day.

After the failure of the three troika proposals in 1997–98 to achieve a breakthrough, the United States took the initiative in the mediation process, brokering a direct meeting between Presidents Heydar Aliyev and Robert Kocharian in April 1999 during the NATO Summit in Washington. That effort culminated in the near-agreement at Key West, Florida, in April 2001.

Following the U.S. attempts, it was Mr. Chirac’s turn to hold Armenia-Azerbaijan summits. But a high-level meeting between Presidents Kocharian and Ilham Aliyev
at Rambouillet in February 2006 and other France-led efforts also failed to produce a breakthrough.

Significantly, neither U.S. nor French efforts produced any joint declarations, even of the watered down kind made at the Russian president’s Meiendorf castle.

Likely impact

At this time, the Karabakh standoff offers no attractive solutions to either Armenia or Azerbaijan.

The most recent effort by Russia is unlikely to lead to an actual settlement, since such settlement presents both the sides and mediators with more problems than the current status quo.

The peace process serves as a kind of a pressure release valve in the uneasy and dangerous standoff over Karabakh. The Moscow declaration can provide this process with a fresh lease on life, making the existing relative peace just a little more durable.

Moscow declaration on Karabakh welcomed, analyzed in the West
by Emil Sanamyan

Although France and the United States were not involved in drafting of the Moscow declaration on the settlement of the Karabakh conflict, the document is nevertheless "totally supported" by the United States, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and envoy to the Karabakh talks Matt Bryza told Azerbaijani media on November 2 and 3.

Mr. Bryza and his French colleague were invited to the summit between the Russian, Armenian, and Azerbaijan presidents, but apparently were kept out of the trilateral talks held near Moscow on November 2, Mr. Bryza told the Trend News Agency.

While hosting Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev in Ankara on November 5, his Turkish counterpart Abdullah Gül similarly expressed support for the declaration. A statement by the Turkish Foreign Ministry carried by news agencies on November 6 similarly expressed Ankara's desire to "contribute" to the conflict's settlement via mediation by France, Russia, and the United States.

While most Western commentators sought to downplay the declaration's importance, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's leading Caucasus expert Liz Fuller described it as a "victory for Armenia." In a November 3 analysis, she particularly noted that while President Aliyev previously threatened war against Armenia, has now pledged a political solution to the issue.

Writing for Eurasianet.org on November 4, the Russia-skeptic Stephen Blank noted that while "Moscow's opposition to the use of force can be justified for many reasons, but it also is probably the only way Baku could ever stand a realistic chance of recovering its lost lands. All of this means that Russia has imposed limits on Azerbaijan's negotiating position, leaving Baku in an extremely disadvantageous position."

Azerbaijan ceased issuing public threats of going to war after the Georgian attack on South Ossetia resulted in a massive response by Russia.

A report by the International Crisis Group (ICG) on October 29 suggested that even though Azerbaijan had spent some $4.5 billion on its armed forces in recent years, "for now at least, the delicate military balance with Armenia probably still holds."

The ICG report also complained about the lack of even basic public oversight over Azerbaijani government spending, but noted that "a modern and efficient army, even if subject to democratic, civilian control, is not unproblematic while the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh remains deeply resented."

Congrats to Obama, U.S. policy

First published in November 8, 2008 Armenian Reporter.

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Regional leaders offer courtesies to President-elect Obama

Following the election of Barack Obama as president on November 4, foreign leaders communicated their desire to strengthen their respective countries' relations with the United States.

In congratulatory messages, President of Armenia Serge Sargsian and President of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic Bako Sahakian spoke of a "new quality" in relations and "epochal changes" in world politics that they expect the Obama presidency to bring about.

In his message, Mr. Sargsian underscored the importance of the Armenian-American community, which "repeatedly conveyed" to Armenia's president "their enthusiasm for the changes" Mr. Obama has promised the American people.

Both Armenian presidents stressed the role the United States is playing as a supporter of Armenia and a mediator in the Karabakh peace process.

Also noting the mediating role of the United States was Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev, who in his message appeared to hold out hope that the United States would help Azerbaijan to "put an end to Armenia's aggression and liberate our occupied territories." Mr. Aliyev also underscored a "strategic partnership" between two countries based on Azerbaijan's oil sales to the United States.

Both Azerbaijani and Turkish commentators expressed concerns about Mr. Obama's pledge to properly recognize the Armenian Genocide. Speaking in reference to the issue, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan expressed "hope that some theses raised during the election campaign will stay there," in the past, as campaign issues; he also noted the "strategic nature" of bilateral ties, Turkish media reported.

From Georgia, one of the few countries in the world where the public was more sympathetic to Sen. John McCain's foreign policy approach, leader Mikheil Saakashvili also highlighted positive expectations from President-elect Obama.

In televised remarks reported by www.Civil.ge, Mr. Saakashvili cited Mr. Obama's supportive comments and the role played by Vice President-elect Joe Biden in securing the pledge of $1 billion in U.S. assistance to Georgia following the August war with Russia.

A congratulatory telegram from Russia's President Dmitry Medvedev had perhaps the most reserved tone. In a message posted to www.Kremlin.ru, Mr. Medvedev said he "counts on a constructive dialogue [with President Obama] based on trust and consideration of each other's interests" in order to promote bilateral cooperation "for the cause of international peace and security."

U.S. diplomats, Armenian commentators disagree on trends in U.S. Caucasus policy

Although Barack Obama ran with the slogan "The change we need," American diplomats posted in the Caucasus say they do not expect U.S.' regional priorities to change.

The Democratic candidate renewed his pledge on the Armenian Genocide and stronger relations with Armenia in a statement released on the eve of the election.

Nevertheless, the Regnum news agency cited a spokesperson for the U.S. Embassy in Azerbaijan, Terry Davidson, telling Azerbaijanis "not to fear" Mr. Obama's pledges to speak clearly on the Armenian Genocide, and promising continuity in U.S. regional policy.

But Ruben Safrastian, a Yerevan-based Turkey expert, cautioned against expectations that the United States could influence Armenian-Turkish relations. He said, "Turkey's approach toward Armenia can only change through a fundamental reassessment of the priorities of the Turkish elite, which needs considerable time to play out."

At the same time, Mr. Safrastian remained hopeful that changes in U.S. policy under the new president would occur. In particular, U.S. affirmation of the Armenian Genocide will now be "more realistic" and would contribute to strengthening of U.S.-Armenia relations, he said.

Vahan Hovhannesian, a National Assembly member from the ARF, similarly suggested that the election result provides Armenian-American organizations with "new serious opportunities for promoting Armenian interests."

Davutoglu on Armenians, IMF on Ukraine-Belarus and Georgia reshuffle

First published in the November 1, 2008 Armenian Reporter.

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan and Lusine Sarkisyan

Senior Turkish official: “Armenians aren’t our enemies”

On a visit to Washington this week, Ahmet Davutoglu, described as the architect of the Turkish government's foreign policy in the last five years, sought to warn the campaign of the Democratic Party presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama (D.-Ill.) against changing U.S. policy on the Armenian Genocide, while reiterating Turkey's desire to improve relations with Armenia and Armenian-Americans.

In remarks at a Brookings Institution event on October 28, Mr. Davutoglu insisted that Turkey wants "to have best relations with Armenia," and "good relations" with Armenians everywhere in the diaspora, and that he and his government "don't see Armenia as a threat; we don't see Armenians as enemies."

Responding to a question from the Armenian Reporter, he said President Abdullah Gul's visit to Yerevan in early September was "done with the purpose of improving our relations with Armenians, not as a response to the Georgian crisis [and] was not a visit of realpolitik."

The "decision to visit Yerevan was clear immediately after [the invitation from President Serge Sargsian] was received [in July] but of course it was not publicized," he said.

At the Brookings event, Alan Makovsky, a senior Democratic staff member for the House Foreign Affairs Committee, appeared to take to heart Azerbaijan's "nervousness" over Armenian-Turkish talks and wondered what Turkey's "red lines" were with regard to Karabakh.

Mr. Davutoglu's comments suggested that unlike its unchanged position on the Armenian Genocide, the Turkish government may be considering dropping or modifying its preconditions related to the Karabakh conflict.

While reiterating that Turkey has close ties with Azerbaijan, and arguing that the Karabakh conflict should be resolved sooner rather than later, Mr. Davutoglu declined to link such a resolution directly to Armenian-Turkish talks focused on establishing diplomatic relations and opening the border.

Ambassador Davutoglu, who is the chief foreign policy advisor to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was dispatched to U.S., as the Turkish Hurriyet daily put it, to "warn the future U.S. administration against endorsing Armenian claims of genocide at the hands of the Ottoman Empire."

"A step in the wrong direction will pose a risk not only to the Turkish-American strategic cooperation but also to Turkey's efforts to reach out to Armenia," Mr. Davuto?lu was quoted as saying after talks with Bush Administration officials and Republican and Democratic campaign advisors.

Meanwhile, speaking at the Jamestown Foundation on October 29, Graham Fuller, a veteran Turkey expert for the RAND Corporation, stressed that considering the long list of differences between the two countries - especially on Iran and Russia - Turkey "is no longer a U.S. ally."

International Monetary Fund to prop up Ukraine and Belarus

After the recently agreed $4.5 billion international aid and loans package to Georgia, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) announced this week plans to loan $16.5 billion to Ukraine and $2 billion to Belarus, international news agencies reported.

IMF managing director Dominique Strauss-Kahn said on October 26 that the Ukraine loan was intended "to maintain confidence and economic and financial stability" in the country whose current government has been seeking membership in the U.S.-led NATO alliance.

The global financial crisis in combination with a political crisis inside Ukraine has already had a significant impact on the country's financial sector and exports, a bulk of which comprised weapon systems supplied to Georgia, Azerbaijan, and other countries.

More unusually, the IMF loan to Belarus, long a pariah state in the West and a close ally of Russia's, is reportedly linked to its intended "economic liberalization." That decision comes after Russia pledged to provide Belarus with a $2 billion loan of its own in the form of delay in payments for natural gas supplies.

Belarus refused to fully endorse the Russian position on Georgia and took steps - like an early release of a political dissident - interpreted as gestures intended to improve relations with the United States.

Georgian government reshuffled

Grigol Mgaloblishvili, Georgia's 35-year-old ambassador to Turkey will replace banker Vladimir Gurgenidze as prime minister, with most other ministers keeping their positions, Georgian leader Mikhail Saakashvili announced on October 27. Mr. Gurgenidze had been in his position since November 2007 and according to Georgian commentators commanded no political influence.

Since joining the Georgian Foreign Ministry in 1995, Mr. Mgaloblishvili spent most of his time in Ankara, where he worked at the Georgian trade mission (1995-96) and the embassy (1998-2002, and as ambassador since 2004). Prior to that he was a Turkish studies student at the Tbilisi State University, where Mr. Saakashvili's mother, Giuli Alasania, was a professor of Turkish studies.

Aleksandr Skakov, a Georgia expert at the Russian Institute of Strategic Studies, told Vedomosti newspaper that the appointment was evidence that "Mr. Saakashvili's political position is very weak."

He also linked the Georgian leader's political future to the outcome of the U.S. presidential election. Unlike Barack Obama, John McCain has developed a close relationship with Mr. Saakashvili.

Last week, Georgian opposition parties announced that on November 7 they will hold their first anti-government protest in months. The day is the first anniversary of street clashes between police and demonstrators in Tbilisi that led to the imposition of state of emergency and early elections in Georgia.

On October 24 Mr. Saakashvili's former ally and Parliament Speaker Nino Bourjanadze said early elections "within a reasonable timeframe" were the way out of "the grave political crisis," adding that she would soon be establishing a new political party.

Armenians on why they back Obama for president

First published in November 1, 2008 Armenian Reporter

Armenian-Americans rally around Barack Obama for president
“Turnout is critical” in November 4 vote
by Emil Sanamyan and Lusine Sarkisyan

ANC-PAC supporter Aida Dimejian, California State Assembly member Paul Krekorian, Glendale City Clerk Ardashes Kassakhian (in glasses), with presidential hopeful Barack Obama at a campaign event in Los Angeles, December 10, 2007. ANC-PAC.

Washington - "I think Barack would be a strong supporter of the Armenian Cause," said Armenian-American attorney Sarah Leah Whitson, Senator Barack Obama's classmate at Harvard Law School in 1988-91.

"I believe that Barack recognizes the importance of history and recognizing genocide; I think that he would not back down on speaking out about the need for Turkey to recognize its history," Ms. Whitson, who is now Middle East director for the New York-based Human Rights Watch, told the Armenian Reporter. She also emphasized the role Harvard professor Samantha Power, an advocate for genocide prevention, has played in Mr. Obama's campaign.

The campaign of Mr. Obama, Democrat of Illinois, and Senator Joe Biden of Delaware to become the next president and vice president of the United States has gained strong support throughout the Armenian-American community.

The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) formed ties with Mr. Obama's campaign early on, and supported his candidacy well before he emerged as the Democratic Party's nominee. In January, Mr. Obama issued a statement to Armenian-Americans, pledging unequivocally, "As President I will recognize the Armenian Genocide."

Mr. Obama also said he supported a settlement of the Karabakh conflict "based upon America's founding commitment to the principles of democracy and self-determination." This statement takes on added importance as Vice President Dick Cheney and senior officials at the State Department have lately taken to playing down the principle of self-determination for Karabakh in favor of Azerbaijan's "territorial integrity."

Since the Democratic National Convention, the Obama-Biden campaign has had the support of the U.S.-Armenia Public Affairs Committee (USAPAC). The editorial page of the Armenian Reporter strongly endorsed Mr. Obama and Mr. Biden. The publisher of the California Courier, Harut Sassounian, has likewise endorsed the Obama-Biden ticket.

Acknowledging that polls show Mr. Obama very likely to win the presidency, Ross Vartian, executive director of USAPAC, emphasized "voter turnout is critical" to the actual outcome. The only poll that counts is the vote you cast now or on Election Day, November 4, he said. (Some 16 million Americans in more than 30 states have already turned out to vote early.)

Armenians for Obama

Last June, a number of Armenian activists, most with ties to the ANCA, came together to establish Armenians for Obama, a campaigning group.

Polls and past elections show that a majority of voters in the states with the largest Armenian populations - California, most New England states, New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut - are likely to vote for the Obama-Biden ticket. Thus, Armenians for Obama has focused its campaigning efforts on Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Virginia - states with anticipated competitive contests.

By contrast, there has been no publicly reported Armenian-American community-based campaigning for Mr. McCain, even though the community has a strong cross-section of Republican Party supporters. And Mr. McCain has made little to no effort to spur Armenian enthusiasm for his presidential bid.

Meanwhile, another coast-to-coast group, Armenian-Americans for Obama, has emerged to support the Obama-Biden ticket. Members include Roger Strauch from California's Silicon Valley and New Jersey developers Michael and David Kasparian.

The Obama campaign's "Armenian-American National Leadership Committee," announced on October 17, includes Democratic members of Congress from California Anna Eshoo, Adam Schiff, and Jackie Speier, California State Assembly member Paul Krekorian, and Dick Harpootlian, a former chair of the South Carolina Democratic Party.

According to figures published at my.barackobama.com, Armenians for Obama, with over $75,000 collected, is one of the most active ethnic community-based supporters of Mr. Obama grouped into "European and Mediterranean Americans for Obama."

Armenian-Americans recall Barack Obama's earlier days

"During our years at law school, Armenia was frequently in the news at the forefront of the [Soviet] reforms," recalls Tom Samuelian who was also Sen. Obama's classmate at Harvard Law School and has since repatriated to Armenia where he established and heads the Arlex law firm. He is also dean of the Law Department at the American University of Armenia.

"We had a small but active Armenian Students' Club at [the law school] that worked to raise awareness of Armenian issues at the time, with posters, leaflets, information tables, and public events, including Karabakh's self-determination, genocide recognition, and earthquake relief."

Another of Mr. Obama’s Armenian-American classmates at Harvard Law, Emily Maranjian, along with her husband and fellow classmate Joe Fernandez, were early backers of Mr. Obama’s presidential bid, according to the Providence Journal. Ms. Maranjian is currently a prosecutor with the Rhode Island Attorney General’s Office.

World public, U.S. foreign policy experts back Obama

Mr. Obama appears to command public sympathy around world.

Gallup studies found support for Mr. Obama among two-thirds of Canadians, Australians, and Japanese, 43 percent of Armenians in Armenia (with 10 percent going to Mr. McCain), and 22 percent of Turks (with 8 percent for the opposition).

Many Turks, and especially the Turkish government, were initially wary of Mr. Obama’s pledges to Armenian-Americans. In early 2008, Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan called Mr. Obama an “amateur” for his pledge to affirm the Armenian Genocide. But Turkish commentators have also expressed discomfort with Mr. McCain’s foreign policy approach. And in recent months, the Turkish government has been reaching out to the Obama campaign.

The few countries where Mr. McCain is more popular include Armenia’s neighbor Georgia, where he had the support of 23 percent of the people to Mr. Obama’s 15 percent, apparently reflecting the Arizona senator’s strong support for the incumbent Georgian government. In Pakistan, the candidates are even at 5 percent each, with 90 percent having no preference.

Unusually, the United Kingdom’s Prime Minister Gordon Brown (left-of center Labour Party), France’s Patrick Devedjian, secretary-general of the governing right-of-center Union for a Popular Movement, and a number of other European leaders have openly backed Mr. Obama.

In the U.S. foreign policy establishment, in addition to the Clinton Administration secretaries of state, Mr. Obama was endorsed by President Bush’s former State Secretary (2001–2005) Colin Powell and several hundred retired diplomats.

Among them is the former U.S. ambassador to Armenia (2004– 2006) John Evans, who said he decided to support the Illinois senator last January, before the Democratic primary.

“Potentialities that Obama and the Democrats are bringing to this election are so much greater than the [Republican] alternative. I don’t think Obama can be endorsed on a single-issue basis. [My endorsement] came before I learned that Senator Obama expressed considerable sympathy for my situation,” Mr. Evans told the Armenian Reporter.

As part of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing to replace Ambassador Evans in the summer of 2006, Mr. Obama criticized the Bush administration for punishing a diplomat for speaking frankly on the Armenian Genocide.

Asked whether he thought Mr. Obama, if elected president, would stick to his pledges of affirming the Genocide and supporting Karabakh’s self-determination, Mr. Evans said that Mr. Obama “would do his very best to do the right thing and carry out his promises.”

Interview with Ambassador Sarukhan

First published in November 1, 2008 Armenian Reporter.

Mexico's ambassador to the United States discusses his Armenian heritage
An interview with Arturo Sarukhán, Washington’s other Armenian ambassador
by Emil Sanamyan and Lusine Sarkisyan



Washington - In an October 9 interview with Arturo Sarukhán Casamitjana, Mexico's ambassador to the United States, the Armenian Reporter's Washington Editor Emil Sanamyan and intern Lusine Sarkisyan asked him about his unique family history, his thoughts on Armenia, and Mexico's foreign policy priorities vis-à-vis the United States.

Armenian Reporter: How does someone of Armenian descent get to lead one of the most important embassies in Washington, representing Mexico, a country of more than 100 million?

Arturo Sarukhán: Hard work! I'm a career diplomat. I've been in the Foreign Service for 14 years. This is my second tour duty in Washington. I was here earlier as chief of staff to the ambassador. I arrived as a chief of staff to the ambassador in 1993 and stayed on with the next ambassador, and then [in 1998] I went back to Mexico.

How did I arrive to this specific post? Well, I was consul general in New York and I asked for a leave of absence from the Foreign Service, resigned my commission as consul general in New York, and joined [then presidential candidate] Felipe Calderón as his chief foreign policy advisor and his international spokesperson. I then headed the transition team on foreign policy and became ambassador in 2007.

AR: Can you tell us your family story, particularly the Armenian part?

AS: My grandparents arrived in Mexico in the early 1930s. My grandfather was a Russian-Armenian also named Artur Sarukhanian, but when he arrived in Mexico he tried to make it easier on the Mexican authorities [and cut the "ian"]. He was an aide to Alexander Kerensky [head of Russia's "Provisional government" in 1917]. After Kerensky was overthrown by the Bolsheviks, he left Russia and came to Venice, where he was trained at the Armenian seminary.

My grandmother fled the Genocide in 1915. Most of her family was killed in the Genocide, but she was able to escape to Thessaloniki in northern Greece. From there she went to Venice and my grandparents met and were married in Venice.

At the time Benito Mussolini came to power [in Italy and was establishing his Fascist government] my grandfather said: "This smells bad."

So, they went to Mexico with the idea of coming to Canada. My grandfather spoke 9 languages, English among them, but he had read a lot about Mexico, so he decided to stop in Mexico on their way to Canada. They never left. My grandparents fell in love with Mexico and they stayed in Mexico.

That's how I was born in Mexico.

AR: What is the Armenian presence in Mexico?

AS: It's a very small community. A lot of those who arrived as a result of the Genocide actually did end up doing what my grandfather wanted to do, which was move north to the U.S. or Canada. So, a lot of the Mexican-Armenian families after World War II - most of them ended up in Fresno, California. The Armenian community in Mexico is very small.

Armenian resilience and unfinished Armenian Genocide agenda

AR: Although at a distance from Armenia, I imagine you over time have followed the events in Armenia. What is the most striking thing about Armenia for you?

AS: I was [in Armenia] once with my father when I was a teenager, when it was still a part of the Soviet Union. I have not been back to the independent Armenia.

It is certainly what I look forward to because it is important to, number one, understand one's roots. But also, [even though] I am a Mexican diplomat and I represent my country in the most important country for Mexico, which is the United States, there is such a thing as a global citizenry. These pasts and origins have the ability to connect and create networks regardless of passport, nationality, ethnicity, and color.

[Such networks] are the only response to some of the challenges that many countries like ours face. Challenges like security in the post-September 11 world, environmental degradation, social-economic development that is also just and fair.

Armenia and Mexico have lived next to big, powerful countries. Armenia is near Russia and Mexico near the U.S. We've both had traumatic historical experiences with our neighbors: Armenia with Turkey and to certain extent Russia, Mexico with the U.S. after the war of 1847. So, I think there is a lot of common ground that can be built on by engaging.

There are two things that surprise me. One is the resiliency of the Armenian people and culture. I see that at home with my father and mother. (She is also a refugee, but from another side of the Mediterranean. She is a republican refugee from the 1930s Civil War in Spain.)

The other thing that surprises me is how the Armenian diaspora has not had the ability to forcefully portray and make its case as the Jewish-American community has. How the resources and the capital, manpower, and even the celebrities - even though some of them do it very actively - has not been translated to a full-fledged recognition, explanation, coming to terms with what happened in that part of the world.

AR: Has Mexico been confronted with the Armenian Genocide issue either in the context of international organizations or directly, and how does it perceive the issue of genocide?

AS: I think Mexico is one of the countries that have supported resolutions condemning genocide. For reasons that have to do with geographical distance and the fact that there is a small Armenian community in Mexico, it is not an issue that is on top of Mexican diplomatic agenda.

AR: But is the Armenian Genocide debated in Mexico?

AS: No, not really. Some people know, some people are interested, some people have written about it but again it’s not a top issue. We don’t have the size that other countries like Argentina, France and others have in terms of the Armenian population. It’s not something that comes from the grassroots.

RS: Uruguay, a Latin American country, was I fact the first country to formally adopt a resolution on the Armenian genocide, in part since it does have a substantial Armenian community. Do Latin American countries develop common policies on issues such as this?

For example, earlier this year there was a United Nations General Assembly vote on the Karabakh conflict, an issue of key concern to Armenia. And Azerbaijan relied on support from Islamic countries, most of which basically joined in support of Azerbaijan’s position, while the vast majority of countries, including Latin American ones, abstained or did not vote.

Is there a similar solidarity among the Latin American countries in the UN or elsewhere?

AS: There is a Latin American group and they usually vote in block, but not always, depending on the issue. The closer the issue is to the core diplomatic priorities in the region it becomes more difficult to vote in block. The farther away you get, whether it is an issue of security or development, it will change, but there isn’t a paradigm that forces the group to vote in block. Many times on many issues in nations decide to go their own way.

Immigration debate and Mexican-Armenian relations in California

AR: While there is a big distance from Mexico to Armenia, Armenians and Mexicans definitely meet in Los Angeles. One of the major issues on Mexico’s agenda is immigration and how the U.S. government treats immigrants.

The Armenian-American community, although themselves mostly recent immigrants, does tend to lean to the conservative side of the debate on Latin American immigration. What case does Mexico make to the U.S. on this issue?

AS: I have very good working relations with Congressman Adam Schiff who comes from one of the districts [including Glendale and Pasadena, north of Los Angeles] with the highest concentration of Armenians and Mexicans. We always joke that if one day he decides to run for a higher office then I would be a good candidate for his district. He is doing a terrific job in speaking for the issues and some of these tensions that exist.

There are a few issues today in America which are as divisive as immigration. And for a good reason substantial portion of citizens of this country feel that immigrants have broken the law, that it speaks to the challenge of how you improve border security and how you make sure you know who the people living on your territory are.

At the same time, it rubs against what this country is. It’s not a coincidence that the motto of this nation is "E pluribus unum" [“From many, one” in Latin]. The successive ways of immigrants into this nation have made what this country is. It’s a vital plural-ethnic, plural-cultural tolerant society because it is a nation of immigrants.

There are two challenges here. Number one is that the recent waves of Latin American migrants who are coming to this country especially after the last serious immigration reform in 1986 have faced obstacles that no previous immigrant communities faced. That is they have been now undocumented for more than twenty years. And if you look at previous waves of immigration they all faced at some point nativism and anti-immigrant sentiment but in a generation they were able to successfully integrate into the fabric of American life and lifestyle.

You now have more than twenty years of waves of migrants who’ve come from Latin America and are living in the shadows because of the rules and lack of reforms. They have not been able to integrate, and at a time [of economic] uncertainty this feeds into a creeping fear which exists in American public over globalization and free trade, goods from China, trucks from Mexico and undocumented migrants.

[Secondly,] for countries like Mexico and U.S. it is important to measure the impact two countries have on one another. There is no bilateral relationship that is more important and more unique for the economic prosperity, for social well-being and security of two nations, Mexico and the U.S.

There is the 3,000 kilometer border and there are 35 million Mexican Americans in this country of whom 6 to 7 million are undocumented migrants. In fact Mexico is U.S.’ third largest trading partner. Every day there are 75,000 trucks that cross the border in both directions. It is an extremely dynamic relationship.

We in Mexico and you in America need to pause and think how do we ensure that a labor intensive country like Mexico and a capital intensive country like the U.S. can take advantage of that geographic proximity, human capital to be able to continue to compete on a world stage even with the likes of China and India.

In many ways, our loss is your gain. The fact that Mexico can’t hold on to 200-300 thousand people a year who can’t find better paid jobs in Mexico and come to U.S. is a huge loss to my country. Mexico cannot grow at a rate that it needs to grow to start breaking economic asymmetries that exist between Mexico and U.S., if we are bleeding bold entrepreneurial men and women who are crossing that border every year.

At the end of the day what we need to ensure that every single Mexican that crosses the border to U.S. does so legally, whether it’s with a visa or it’s a part of a temporary worker program but we have to ensure that as both countries work to ensure the security of our border. We leave the doors open so the free flow of listed goods and people can continue.

AR: In terms of the Armenian community in California, are you surprised there has not been more sensitivity to fellow economic migrants from Latin America?

AS: This is going to sound biased but I am a believer that communities like the Armenian and the Mexican communities are natural allies. They share agendas and challenges in this country. Many of them have come here driven by the same problems of lack of economical opportunities. Both are hard working societies. [In the past] the Armenian community faced the prejudice and racism and discrimination in this country that Mexican communities are facing today.

Mexican-Americans are already partnering with the Jewish-American community based on these common challenges and the need for these two communities to work together to ensure that this country continues to remain tolerant and open to diversity.

It would make more sense if Armenian and Mexican communities work together especially in the West Coast and New England where we have the highest concentration of Armenian-Americans to bring down the bombastic nature of the debate, to look at the opportunities and the challenges in an objective and forward-looking way.

AS: Thank you for this opportunity and thank you for remembering.

Arturo Sarukhán Casamitjana Biography:

Ambassador of Mexico to the United States since January 2007, Mr. Sarukhan was previously foreign policy coordinator for then presidential candidate Felipe Calderón (elected President of Mexico in 2006).

Since 1994, Mr. Sarukhan’s diplomatic career included postings as Mexico’s Consul-General in New York City, with the Secretariat of Foreign Affairs and as Mexico’s representative at the Agency for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (OPANAL).

He is also a professor at the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM), and has taught at the Mexican National Defense College, the Inter-American Defense College and at the U.S. National Defense University.

Mr. Sarukhan has a bachelor’s degree from El Colegio de México (1988) and, as Fulbright Scholar and Ford Foundation Fellow, he earned his master's degree in U.S. Foreign Policy from Washington’s Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (1991).

The Kingdoms of Spain and Sweden conferred on him the Order of Civil Merit of Isabel la Católica, Officers Degree, and the Order of the Polar Star, Commanders Degree, respectively.

Mr. Sarukhan has full command of English and of Catalan, and is fluent in French. He reads Portuguese and Italian.

He is married to Verónica Valencia and they have two young daughters, Laia and Ani.

Ambassador’s father José Aristeo Sarukhán Kermez was born in Mexico in 1940. An award-winning biologist he was President of Mexico’s National University from 1989 to 1997, and continues to do research on ecology there. In November 2007, writing in the leading Mexican daily El Universal, Dr. Sarukhán Kermez discussed the Armenian community’s efforts to win the Armenian Genocide affirmation in the U.S. Congress and his own family experience – see his commentary in Spanish at http://www.el-universal.com.mx/editoriales/38926.html.

The Armenian Reporter would like to thank its former Washington intern Nareg Seferian and the Mexican Embassy’s Press Officer Ricardo Alday for arranging the interview.

Fried tours region; Western aid to Georgia, Turkey wins UN bid

First published in October 25, 2008 Armenian Reporter

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan and Lusine Sarkisyan

Active U.S. diplomacy continues in Eurasia

The Navy's U.S.S. Barry arrived in Georgia's port of Poti as State Department's Dan Fried touched down in the country's capital of Tbilisi.

Assistant Secretary of State Dan Fried was in Armenia (Oct. 17), Georgia (Oct.18-20), and Turkey (Oct. 21) to discuss regional conflicts and bilateral relations, local news media reported. United States regional diplomacy has been stepped up significantly since Russian-Georgian fighting in August.

In meetings with Armenian leaders, Mr. Fried reportedly focused on the Karabakh peace process (see this week's top story) and Armenia's recent talks with Turkey. Mr. Fried said that a "strong, sovereign, democratic Armenia is important not just to the U.S., but to the region as well."

(In a similarly worded message, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev who was in Yerevan on October 21, said Russia wants "the Armenian people to live in a strong, flourishing and stable state.")

Mr. Fried arrived in Georgia simultaneously with the U.S. Navy's guided missile destroyer U.S.S. Barry, which made a "routine, friendly visit" to Georgia's Black Sea port of Poti from October 18 to 20. (Officials in Abkhazia, meanwhile, confirmed plans for a new Russian naval base at Ochamchir, just forty miles up the Black Sea coast from Poti.)

On his visit to Ankara, Mr. Fried was received with Ertu?rul Apakan, the Turkish Foreign Ministry's number-two, and at a subsequent meeting with media, the U.S. diplomat encouraged continued dialogue between Turkish and Armenian leaders.

According to the Turkish Daily News, Mr. Fried called Armenian President Serge Sargsian "courageous" for extending an invitation to his Turkish counterpart, and Turkish President Abdullah Gül "wise" for accepting the offer. "Sometimes taking risks is the highest realism," he said.

Mr. Fried also pledged continued U.S. intelligence help for Turkey's fight against Kurdish rebels, while urging more Turkish cooperation with Iraqi Kurdish leaders. Turkish forces have suffered numerous casualties in recent Kurdish attacks (see this page in the October 11 Armenian Reporter.)

Meanwhile, the top U.S. military officer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Michael Mullen, assured the three Baltic republics, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania ­- which have been NATO members since 2004 - that they could count on U.S. military help should they ever come under a military attack.

Days earlier, Admiral Mullen met with Russia's General Staff Chairman General Nikolay Makarov in Finland, for what was described as "fence-mending talks."

Abkhazia, South Ossetia status talks stall; more aid pledged to Georgia

European, Georgian, Russian, and U.S. officials met in Geneva on October 15 to start discussions, in the words of the French President Nicolas Sarkozy, on the "future status" of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and quickly adjourned until November, Civil.ge and others reported.

The parties reportedly disagreed on the format of talks, with breakaway republics insisting they should participate in the talks on their future, and Georgia objecting.

The cease-fire agreement negotiated between Russia and Georgia continued to largely hold, although several Russian and Georgian personnel were reported killed in various incidents.

Georgia also demanded a Russian withdrawal from parts of South Ossetia and Abkhazia that Georgia held prior to the August war. That position was supported by Dan Fried of the U.S. State Department, although he conceded that that situation could not be resolved "very easily" or "very soon." Russian officials said areas in question are parts of breakaway republics and would not be turned over.

At a "donors' conference" in Brussels on October 22, the United States confirmed it would be allocating $1 billion in aid to Georgia. Last month, the U.S. Congress appropriated about one-third of that amount for Fiscal Year 2009.

In all, pledges of $4.55 billion in grants and loans over three years were made, with bulk of the funds coming from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, as well as the European Union (about $1 billion in grants and loans) and Japan ($200 million).

Transparency International (TI), a Berlin-based anticorruption organization, called for publication of the World Bank's needs assessment report on Georgia prepared in advance of the conference.

"Despite the centrality of the Joint Needs Assessment to the future of Georgia, its contents remain secret at the request of the Georgian government," TI Georgia said in a statement, adding that it was unclear how the money was intended to be spent.

151 countries vote Turkey into the UN Security Council

Turkey successfully concluded its five-year $50 million campaign for a two-year nonrenewable term on the United Nations Security Council, as it was voted in by 151 countries on October 17, Turkish and international news agencies reported.

There are a total of 192 countries with United Nations membership. Countries voted in secret, and because Turkey was competing against Austria (which also won a seat, with 132 votes) and Iceland (which did not, with 87 votes), few countries have made their votes public. But Turkey lobbied heavily around the world from Latin America to Africa to Pacific Island nations.

President Abdullah Gül described the vote as "a significant success that should be a source of joy to every citizen. The support given to Turkey is a reflection of the feelings of love and friendship that are felt for our nation and the trust the international community has in our state," the Jamestown Foundation Eurasia Daily Monitor (EDM) reported citing Turkish media on October 18.

Turkey's Permanent Representative to the United Nations Ambassador Baki Ilkin reportedly broke down in tears of joy during a television interview following the vote.

Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, the Turkish government's leading foreign policy advisor, said the outcome as "neither chance, nor bribery," even though Turkey spent $20 million paying off the debts of smaller nations to the United Nations.

Media watchdog: peace is good for press freedom

"It is not economic prosperity but peace that guarantees press freedom," Paris-based Reporters without Borders argues in its annual report released on October 22.

The report notes post-election setbacks in media freedom in Armenia (now ranked 102nd in the world, on par with Turkey), war-related media censorship in Georgia (now ranked 120th), as well as general malaise in Russia (141), Azerbaijan (150), and Iran (166).

Iceland, Norway, and Luxembourg are ranked as having the most liberal media environments. For the full report: http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=29031

On Armenians for Obama, Iraqi Christians, Turkey's UN and nuclear plans

First published in October 18, 2008 Armenian Reporter.

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Armenian activists meet Barack Obama’s advisor, confidante

Nora Keomurjian and Karine Birazian with Barack Obama's senior campaign advisor Valerie Jarrett, in Philadelphia on October 13, 2008. ANCA

"Armenians for Obama" activists Nora Keomurjian and Karine Birazian met with Sen. Barack Obama's senior campaign advisor Valerie Jarrett to update her on the group's activities on behalf of the presidential campaign.

During a "Pennsylvania Women for Obama" event held in Philadelphia on October 13, Ms. Jarrett expressed "deep interest in [the Armenian] community's efforts to elect Senator Obama our next president," according to Ms. Keomurjian.

Described as Mr. Obama's "big sister" and "fixer" by the New Republic, Ms. Jarrett is a Chicago lawyer and businessperson. The Wall Street Journal described her as an "insider widely tipped for a top position in an Obama administration."

Ms. Birazian is Eastern U.S. director for the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) and Ms. Keomurjian is also an activist for ANCA, which endorsed Mr. Obama.

"Armenians for Obama" is a nationwide Los Angeles-based voter registration, education, and mobilization effort dedicated to electing Barack Obama president. connect: www.ArmeniansforObama.com

Iraqi Armenians killed, wounded in attacks

An ethnic Armenian music-store owner, Farques Batool, was killed, and his nephew was wounded in attacks in Iraq's northern city of Mosul on October 13, news agencies reported. The attacks were apparently religiously motivated.

Since the surge in violence, ethnic Armenians and other Christians who had remained in Mosul, one of Iraq's largest cities, more than 4,000 people in all, have fled, most for the relative safety of Iraqi Kurdistan.

In all, at least ten people have been killed in fresh attacks blamed on Sunni radicals linked with Al-Qaeda in Iraq. The Associated Press linked the attacks to calls by Iraqi Christians for restoration of Saddam Hussein-era quotas that would give them seats in provincial councils. The Shiite-dominated Iraqi government sent police reinforcements to try to stabilize the situation in Mosul.

"Thousands of people fled virtually overnight, many with only the clothes on their back," said Jamil Abdul-Ahad, the head of an interfaith Christian council in Mosul that has been distributing aid to the displaced, The AP reported.

"Our situation needs active work, not just media propaganda from government officials," Mr. Abdul-Ahad said. "The government should protect Christians in Mosul and safeguard their rights."

Sunni extremists have regularly targeted Iraqi Christians since the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003. In addition to Armenians, Iraqi Christians include Syrian Orthodox and Catholics.

Turkey poised to win UN Security Council seat

After years of lobbying and courting countries worldwide, Turkey appeared poised to win a nonpermanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, in an election set for October 17.

All 192 UN member states were to participate in a vote in which Turkey, Austria, and Iceland would compete for two seats reserved for the Western European group of countries. In the absence of progress in its European Union bid, the Turkish government has made winning the Security Council seat a foreign policy priority.

Turkey has raised its international profile in recent years, distancing itself from U.S. policies in Iraq and Iran, mediating talks between Syria and Israel, and most recently suggesting a Caucasus regional pact with Russia. Turkey has also offered financial support to island nations and pledged to open embassies in a number of remote countries. Turkey was previously a Security Council member twice, in the 1950s and in 1961.

According to an October 16 report in Zaman newspaper, Turkey's bid for the 2009-10 Security Council term is backed by most Muslim countries, as well as a number of countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and Latin America. In all, Turkey needs support from 128 countries to win the seat.

In addition to five veto-holding permanent members - France, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, ten other states are elected for two-year terms.

Three of the ten come from the Africa group; two each from Latin America/Caribbean, Asia-Pacific, and Western Europe; and one from Eastern Europe. One of the members is an Arab country, alternately from the Asia or Africa bloc.

In the contest for the Asia seat, Iran is expected to lose to Japan; Iran had previously served on the Security Council in 1955-56. Mexico and Uganda are expected to be elected without opposition in their respective groups. Libya, Burkina Faso, Costa Rica, Croatia, and Vietnam will continue to serve out their terms, which end next year.

The Security Council is authorized to approve military action, peacekeeping operations, and international sanctions.

Turkey still weighing nuclear power plans

The Turkish government is seeking to build two nuclear power plants - a long-delayed one at Akkuyu near the Mediterranean port of Mersin, and another near the Black Sea port of Sinop, the Jamestown Foundation's Eurasia Daily Monitor (EDM) reported on October 10, citing Turkish media.

Although 13 consortia expressed interest in Akkuyu as the tender was announced earlier this year, only one - a joint venture between the Russian state-owned Atomstroyexport and the Turkish Ciner Group - submitted a formal bid before the deadline last month. Other companies have expressed reservations about the project's conditions, which the Turkish government has declined to renegotiate.

The Turkish government will decide whether to accept the sole Russian bid before the end of October. Russia currently supplies two-thirds of the natural gas and one-third of the oil consumed by Turkey.

According to EDM, "the general consensus in Turkey is that the AKP will eventually have to cancel the nuclear power tender" in part over concerns that the United States will perceive the project's award to Russia as another sign of Turkey distancing from the West. AKP is the abbreviation by which Turkey's governing party is known.

Turkish officials have for now pledged to continue with the tender process. Energy Minister Hilmi Guler conceded, however, that "the global financial crisis will affect large investments," including possibly nuclear plant plans.

Ilham Aliyev claims less than 90 percent of vote in re-election

Azerbaijan's incumbent president Ilham Aliyev won just over 89 percent of the votes cast on October 15 and will remain president at least until 2013; his "main rival," Milli Majlis member Iqbal Agazade was second, with 2.78 percent, according to official returns cited by RFE/RL.

Officials also claimed a voter turnout of 75 percent in an election that saw very little public interest or campaigning; the turnout in the significantly more competitive 2003 election was put at 71 percent.

Kenan Aliyev, the director of RFE/RL's Azerbaijani Service, said "a lot of voters were basically forced to go to the polling stations."

Western observers working under the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe umbrella released a statement on October 16 saying Azerbaijan's presidential elections showed "considerable progress" compared to previous votes but did not meet all international commitments on democracy.

The poll "was characterized by a lack of robust competition and vibrant political discourse" and "did not reflect all the principles of a meaningful, pluralistic, democratic election," they said.

RFE/RL reported that government celebrations in Baku began before results were announced.