Vartkes Yeghiayan interview

In Armenian insurance case, lawyers to ask for rehearing
Appeals panel ruling misinformed, lawyer involved argues
by Emil Sanamyan
Published: Friday August 28, 2009

At a May 11, 2006, press conference, attorney Mark Geragos, California State Treasurer Phil Angelides, and attorneys Brian Kabateck and Vartkes Yeghiayan announce a class action lawsuit on behalf of descendants of Armenian Genocide victims, against Deutsche Bank and Dresdner Bank for assets belonging to descendants of Armenian Genocide victims. Damian Dovarganes / AP

Washington - On August 20, a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit struck down a California law that allows the descendants of Armenian Genocide victims to sue in state courts for unpaid insurance benefits, as we reported last week. The majority in the 2-1 ruling argued that the statute interfered with the president's prerogative to conduct U.S. foreign policy.

Vartkes Yeghiayan, a lawyer based in Glendale, Calif., has spearheaded lawsuits against major U.S. and European insurance companies that did business in Ottoman Turkey. These efforts led to settlements with New York Life for $20 million and with the French AXA insurance company for $17 million in 2004-2005.

On August 27 Mr. Yeghiayan discussed last week's court ruling with Washington Editor Emil Sanamyan.

Armenian Reporter: What is the meaning and what are the ramifications of the ruling of the Appeals Court panel on August 20?

Vartkes Yeghiayan: We were surprised by this decision. The District Court had previously ruled that this [lawsuit against German insurance companies] is valid and that our clients have a right to continue with the lawsuit.

When we got to the Ninth Circuit court [to which the insurance companies had appealed], three judges listened to us, and two out of three decided that there is a conflict between state and federal power.

This decision basically rested on the fact that the [California] statute . . . said that the killings that took place [in Ottoman Turkey] are called the Armenian Genocide; because the words "Armenian Genocide" were used, [the majority found that] they were in conflict with federal policy. . . .

We disagree with that. The federal government has never taken a stand against the Armenian Genocide. And [as part of its decision making,] the court did not [cite] any statute, executive order, or statement saying that this [state law] interferes with the foreign policy of the United States.

They are just speculating, and their speculation is drawn from the fact that in the last decade there were three resolutions placed before Congress and these resolutions didn't pass because of opposition from the administration.

But the administration did not dispute the validity of what resolutions said. Rather they spoke of bad timing and impact on the war in Iraq or whatever other developments were taking place at the time.

The arguments the court cited were only half-true. For example, President Ronald Reagan used the term "Armenian Genocide," as did the Congress in two resolutions that passed in the 1970s and 80s. And they did not cite those facts at all, focusing on the last decade alone.

But our issue here is not with Turkey. We are suing private insurance companies that owe money to Armenians and are in breach of contract. But everything [in the court decision] seems to turn around the words "Armenian Genocide." Had those "toxic" words not been used in California legislation, the court would have no problem with the statute.

AR: Has the federal government ever expressed opposition to the California law?

VY: Absolutely not. In fact they have never objected to any of the resolutions passed in the 40-odd states. They have never formally made a statement. Apparently, they did not feel those resolutions interfered with the conduct of foreign policy. And it seems obvious to me [that they did not].

In making its decision the [Appeals] court cited past decisions in the Jewish Holocaust cases [to deny the victims' rights to sue]. But that situation is different because there was a formal agreement between the United States and Germany that said that [following German agreement to pay reparations,] no additional lawsuits could be filed in U.S. courts.

[There is no such agreement in the Armenian case.]

AR: What could be the immediate consequences of this ruling? Do you plan to appeal? Could there be new legislation passed in California?

VY: The first thing we will do is petition for a rehearing. And because we only had 14 days to do that, we just requested an extension and we were granted an additional seven days. So, our brief for a rehearing will be filed on September 10.

Basically, we are asking for a larger panel of judges to listen and review our arguments. It could be up to ten judges hearing the case.

If, for some reason, the judgment is not reversed, we will appeal to the Supreme Court.

And, of course, we can amend our lawsuit and remove the words "Armenian Genocide," while describing all of the killings, deprivations, deportations, etc.

But first we will be appealing, because "Armenian Genocide" is the appropriate term for the events that occurred and the U.S. government does not have the policy that says that Armenian Genocide did not take place. In fact, I would like the U.S. government to come out and declare its policy once and for all.

AR: As part of your petition do you plan to invite testimonies and briefings from the state of California and other interested parties?

VY: Yes. We don't want to make announcements yet, but we have asked three organizations to file amicus briefs [as "friends of the court"] and [we expect that] they will do it.

AR: What has been the immediate repercussion of the ruling so far?

VY: We have a separate case with the British insurance company Aviva and the judge has just given us until September 12 to dismiss the case because of the Ninth Circuit Court ruling. Now we are talking with attorneys to see if we can stipulate the continuance of the case or if we have to do a dismissal, make sure it is a dismissal without prejudice, so that we could re-file the minute there is a new statute.

AR: Are you receiving public feedback following the ruling?

VY: Yes, we are hearing from a lot of lawyers and law-school professors at some of the top universities, who see this ruling as part of a pattern of continuous infringement by the federal government in powers of the states. On most domestic issues, such as insurance, family law, property, and tort, it is up to the states to regulate, and these issues must not be affected by the rhetoric of federal officials.

I read the Turkish press and I noticed they are celebrating [this ruling] and reading things into it that don't exist. I don't think it's a victory [for Turkey].

It's an issue of balancing powers of the state and federal governments. If necessary, we Armenians will be ready to pursue it all the way to the Supreme Court.

Ted Kennedy passing, Doug Frantz, Marc Grossman updates

First published in August 29, 2009

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Senator Kennedy’s leadership on Armenian issues recalled

Armenian-Americans this week remembered the longstanding leadership and support of Senator Edward Kennedy (D.-Mass.). Senator Kennedy died on August 26 after months of battling with cancer. He was 77 years old.

Throughout more than four decades in the U.S. Congress, Senator Kennedy actively supported Armenian-American concerns, including U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide and independent Armenia's security and development, the Armenian National Committee of Massachusetts recalled in a press statement.

These efforts included securing the Senate Judiciary Committee's passage in 1989 of an Armenian Genocide resolution; Senator Kennedy worked together with, among others, Vice President Joe Biden, who at the time was a senator and chairperson of the committee.

Senator Kennedy championed the 1991 passage of a resolution that condemned Azerbaijan's anti-Armenian pogroms that resulted in the expulsion of more than 300,000 Armenians and was followed by Azerbaijan's aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh.

In later years, Senator Kennedy played a key role in the passage and maintenance of U.S. sanctions against Azerbaijan, known as Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act, as well as the 1994 passage of the Humanitarian Aid Corridor Act, which came in response to Turkey's closure of its border with Armenia. [The same year, he hosted a reception for the president of Armenia at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum in Boston.]

Speaking on April 21, 1999, at the annual commemoration of the Armenian Genocide held on Capitol Hill, Senator Kennedy argued that "if people here in the United States had paid attention to the Genocide in the early part of this century, we would not have had, perhaps, the tragedies in World War II" and later genocidal campaigns in former Yugoslavia and Africa.

During the April 24, 2000, commemoration at Trinity Church in Boston, Senator Kennedy stressed that while "the persecution of the Armenian people and the atrocities committed against them will never be forgotten . . . the continuing leadership of the Armenian people throughout the world today, and the birth of the Armenian republic provide an example to us all of what the human spirit at its best can achieve."

In a June 5, 2006, letter, signed together with Senator John Kerry (D.-Mass.), Senator Kennedy raised concerns with the Bush administration's early recall of Ambassador John M. Evans from Armenia over the ambassador's comments on the Armenian Genocide; the letter demanded an explanation for the move.

A member of America's most prominent political family, Edward Kennedy will be remembered as a strong and effective champion of liberal values. In the 2008 presidential campaign, Senator Kennedy's endorsement of Barack Obama came at pivotal moment in a tough primary race.

Senator Kennedy will be buried beside his brothers at the Arlington National Cemetery on August 29.

Former editor Doug Frantz probing nuclear smuggling for Senate committee

The former Los Angeles Times editor who stirred up controversy in the Armenian community is now working for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee led by Senator John Kerry (D.-Mass.) According to the committee website, Douglas Frantz was hired by the committee early this year as chief investigator to probe financing of nuclear smuggling and other illegal activities.

Mr. Frantz caused controversy in April 2007 after he reassigned a major story on the Armenian Genocide resolution, initially assigned to Times journalist Mark Arax, to another writer. In an e-mail that was later made public, Mr. Frantz alleged that Mr. Arax had a "position on this issue" that caused a "conflict of interests." (Mr. Frantz's new boss, Senator Kerry, is a strong supporter of Armenian Genocide affirmation.)

Mr. Arax had in turn alleged that Mr. Frantz himself may have had a bias on the issue, having spent years working as a reporter in Turkey and that he was "heavily involved and invested in defending the policies of Turkey."

In subsequent months, a number of Armenian-Americans, including the Armenian Reporter's editorial page, called on the Times to take "decisive action" in the case. Mr. Frantz resigned in June 2007.

Mr. Frantz was initially expected to become the Istanbul-based Middle East bureau chief for the Wall Street Journal. But he instead joined the then newly launched (and since closed) Condé Nast Portfolio magazine as senior writer and authored a book on the black market in nuclear technology.

For his part, Mr. Arax also left the Times in June 2007. Last April he published his third book, this one about life in California.

Former U.S. official: Karabakh settlement up to Armenia and Azerbaijan

The Karabakh "conflict should be solved in Baku and Yerevan, not in Washington or Moscow," Marc Grossman, former U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs told Azerbaijani officials on August 24, Azerbaijan's APA news agency reported. Mr. Grossman was speaking at an event organized by Azerbaijan's president's office in Baku.

Mr. Grossman suggested that as mediators all third countries could do was to organize venues for Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders to meet, as they have.

According to an Azerbaijani government statement on August 22, the former senior American diplomat arrived in Azerbaijan for a five-day tour that included meetings with senior officials and visits to colleges and the main oil terminal.

Since leaving the government in 2005, Mr. Grossman has been a board member for Turkey's Ihlas Holding and vice-chair of the Washington-based Cohen group, a lobbying firm. He was the State Department's number-three official between 2001 and 2005 and ambassador to Turkey before that.

Sibel Edmonds tells all

Sibel Edmonds offers details of Turkey’s covert operations in U.S.
Testimony part of Ohio Rep. Schmidt complaint
by Emil Sanamyan

Published: Monday August 10, 2009

Sibel Edmonds answering questions after her deposition on August 8, with her lawyer Michael Kohn on right. Armenian Reporter photo

WASHINGTON - Operatives allegedly acting at the behest of the Turkish government used evidence of an extramarital affair to blackmail a sitting Democratic member of Congress, while paying off others in Congress and the executive branch to support Turkey's agenda, a former translator privy to federal investigations of the activities said in a deposition for the Ohio Elections Commission.

The scandalous details were part of testimony by former FBI translator Sibel Edmonds heard at the National Whistleblowers Association office in Washington on August 8 by representatives of incumbent Rep. Jeanne Schmidt (R.-Ohio) and David Krikorian, a candidate for the Democratic Party ticket in that district, who requested Ms. Edmonds' deposition.

With a full video of Ms. Edmonds' deposition anticipated to be released at a later time, Mr. Krikorian told journalists about some of the charges presented.

One case concerned "a current female member of Congress who [is] apparently bisexual and [Turkish operatives] bugged her apartment," Mr. Krikorian said. "She's married with children, and they set up a relationship with another female who went in and had sexual relationships with her. And they had all the episodes bugged within this current representative's home and they blackmailed her."

While Ms. Edmonds did not name the member of Congress, she later told Brad Friedman blog that the congresswoman in question is a Democrat.

Mr. Krikorian also confirmed that charges of taking bribes and engaging in other illegal activity were heard against sitting Rep. Dan Burton (R.-Ind.), ex-Speaker Dennis Hastert (R.-Ill.), and other current and former members of Congress.

Other charges of collusion with Turkish officials were made against Marc Grossman, a former undersecretary of state and ambassador to Turkey, and other former U.S. officials.

Since leaving government both Mr. Hastert and Mr. Grossman, who have in the past denied any wrongdoing, joined Washington lobby groups with ties to Turkish government contracts; reaction from Rep. Burton, one of the few members of Congress to engage in outright denial of Armenian Genocide, was not available as of press time.

The deposition came as part of the Ohio Elections Commission's consideration of a complaint filed by Ms. Schmidt, who alleged that Mr. Krikorian made "false statements" that she took "blood money" from Turkish interests to oppose a congressional resolution on the Armenian Genocide.

By summoning Ms. Edmonds, Mr. Krikorian sought to establish a pattern of efforts on the part of the Turkish government and affiliated entities to induce U.S. policy makers into opposing the genocide resolution.

The Ohio Elections Commission is expected to rule on Rep. Schmidt's complaint on September 3.

Charges corroborated and ignored

The former FBI translator's testimony is based on her past access to wiretap recordings made as part of investigations of Turkish government activities in the United States from 1996 to 2002. After being fired from the FBI, Ms. Edmonds took evidence of federal mismanagement and corruption to Congress and sought reinstatement through the courts.

Ms. Edmonds' allegations – covered at the time by U.S. mass media – took on added weight when the Justice Department's internal investigation issued in early 2005 confirmed many of them and did not dispute others.

But no congressional investigation or prosecutions based on her charges ever followed.

Her deposition last Saturday came despite warnings from the Department of Justice that she "has not complied with the procedures for obtaining authorization from the FBI, her former employer, prior to making any disclosure relating to information that she acquired in the course of her work for the FBI."

Lawyers for Ms. Edmonds argued that without renewing the state secrets privilege first invoked by the Bush administration against the former FBI translator to prevent her from testifying, the current Department of Justice could not prevent Ms. Edmonds from offering her testimony.

"Armenian issue is at core of Turkish identity"

Nigar Goksel discusses Armenia and Turkey
by Emil Sanamyan
Published: Thursday June 25, 2009

Nigar Goksel in Yerevan

Washington - Diba Nigar Goksel is an Istanbul-based senior analyst for the European Stability Initiative (ESI), a Berlin think tank. For the past several years, Ms. Goksel's work has focused on Armenia and has included a report, "Noah's Dove Returns: Armenia, Turkey and the Debate on Genocide," released last April. Last week she was in the United States to begin a research project on the Armenian diaspora's role in Armenia. She was interviewed by the Armenian Reporter's Washington editor Emil Sanamyan on June 17.

Welcomed in Armenia as "normal person"

Armenian Reporter: When you first began working in Armenia, were you apprehensive about it or, perhaps, excited about the opportunity, or both?

Nigar Goksel: I was excited. I was a little bit concerned that as a Turk I wouldn't be spoken to about issues in Armenia openly and that would influence the quality of research I would do.

Like in Georgia and Azerbaijan, our research in Armenia is about trying to understand how Armenia is changing, where Armenia is headed. How the state-building process and economic development, and a debate about the future of Armenia is progressing. A lot of our research in Armenia entailed travel outside of Yerevan, talking to ordinary people, opinion leaders, and business people.

So I was concerned that because I was a Turk, answers would be adjusted accordingly and there would be a perception that I was looking for problems to display [to the outside world] or something like that.

It ended up not being the case and I was positively surprised.

I was received and welcomed wholeheartedly, especially in the villages of Armenia. In Yerevan, it was more complex: some would be more positive, others more negative. And it was in small towns where I received the most challenging questions and borderline accusations.

So it ended up being research / bilateral dialogue effort, because I was also asked a lot of questions by Armenians about Turkey. One amazing thing is how high the level of interest is in Armenia about what is happening in Turkey and how few Turks Armenians actually meet.

AR: The warm reception you describe particularly in the rural areas, did you feel like you were given special treatment because, perhaps, you were breaking existing stereotypes? Or was it more just out of a sense of general neglect and an appreciation of an outsider's attention?

NG: At least in some places, my Turkishness was not important or not initially an important issue. People would talk about their local problems. Say, how budget of this village is sufficient or not for reconstruction of a particular sewage system or whatnot.

And it could be an hour into a conversation when someone would ask where I was from. And upon hearing I was from Turkey, they would say, "Oh, why didn't you tell us?" and start bringing fruits and vodka to the table and start talking about the past.

In part, I think it was a stereotype issue. I was not a classical Turk that people envisioned – a stern man with a mustache. And it was an opportunity for [Armenians] to talk to one of those people that they had heard so much about but never had an opportunity to confront.

Sometimes, when my Turkishness would be first revealed, the conversation would turn more confrontational. [I would be often asked] if from my perspective there was genocide. And after hearing me say yes [there was], and that Turkey is changing profoundly in this sense but that there are still problems- as soon as it seemed that I talked as a normal person, the atmosphere [would relax.]

And in villages, sure, there is a sense of not being paid attention to by other Armenians first of all. So, someone coming from an international organization and caring about what their daily life looked like certainly got a positive reaction.

Rural similarities and differences

AR: You have also done field research in rural parts of Turkey; how similar are problems in Armenia's rural areas to those in Turkey?

NG: There are similarities with Turkey, but frankly problems in Armenia are more similar to Azerbaijan's or Georgia's by virtue of the Soviet heritage and the breakdown of the Soviet system.

In Armenia, in some rural areas, people used to work in industry and had to readjust to working on land, but are still trying to hold on to some degree of their education.

That is different from eastern Turkey where industrialization has not yet reached. And people in Turkish villages were always there and education-wise they are not where the villagers of Armenia are.

And of course in eastern Turkey there is the conflict with the Kurdish insurgency which taps into identity issues and relations with the Turkish state.

Other than that, in terms of underdevelopment, the lack of amenities and limited opportunities, they are similar.

Armenian-Turkish engagement and where it could lead

AR: Having focused on Armenia for several years now, what is your sense of Armenia's main challenges?

NG: When we began working in Armenia, our focus was not on Armenia-Turkey relations. But we soon saw that the debate on the political scene, what politicians are accused of, is usually about concessions they are [ostensibly] ready to make to Turkey. Or the debate on the economy, why Armenia's economy is in a state it is in: Oh, it is because Turkey has closed the border.

So, we realized we could not avoid the Turkey issue if we were to discuss Armenia's challenges. Frankly, I think more and more people realize in Armenia that the source of Armenia's problems today is not necessarily Turkey. Yes, Turkey's border being closed does create some challenges, but were it to open tomorrow it would create other obstacles to recovery of the economy as well.

But Armenia's challenges certainly go beyond the border issue.

AR: On the issue of the border opening: Today, with the border closed, certainly that keeps people apart but not just from cooperating; it also limits conflict. In your sense, would a potential border opening be necessarily a step toward normalization, or just toward a different form of confrontation?

NG: I have thought about this question. Results of the Armenian-Turkish dialogue so far have been positive. Many more Turks come to Armenia, and many more Armenians go to Turkey. That is all very positive and contributes to a positive change in how people perceive each other.

Strong feelings in Armenia

On the other hand, there are issues that we are sweeping under the rug that might come to the surface more should there be [more direct contact via] an open border.

For example, in Turkey there is this perception that diaspora Armenians are the ones who insist on recognition of genocide internationally, and talk about lands and compensation. And that Armenian-Armenians are brotherly neighbors who don't share those views necessarily.

Ironically, this view has been promoted by Turkish liberals, including some liberal columnists, in an attempt [to make the Turkish public] more comfortable about relations with Armenia and so that negative feelings about genocide recognition are not transferred to Armenia in Turkish minds.

But I think there would be a rude awakening when the border does open, and more Turkish nationalists get a chance to meet with Armenians from Armenia, who actually feel quite strongly about genocide recognition.

The Turkish public needs to be ready for that and prepare to hear that.

[Having said all that,] there is really no other way forward, and many Armenians and Turks would have to agree to disagree on certain issues, and that might be the case for some time. And I think if we have some tolerance toward different opinions on both sides, there will be many opportunities to find common ground and similarities.

Many Turks who come to Armenia are astounded at how similar the cuisines, the dances are, the way people look and carry themselves.

Why Turks should care about Armenians

AR: What do you think should or could happen between Armenians and Turks, for them to become nations with historical, but not necessarily present-day problems?

NG: I could speak from the Turkish perspective on this.

Strong political leadership in Turkey is important. A sincere attitude in terms of remorse – I don't know if it is the right word – for the past needs to be emanating from Ankara. And that can be in the form of words, but beyond that having a memorial that is dedicated to the Armenians that were in Anatolia – right now, as you know, we have a memorial to Turks who died in that period.

Definitely, [another thing to do is] owning up to the cultural heritage of Armenians. Having one Holy Cross Church on Aghtamar restored should not be the end. There are other Armenian churches and monasteries that need to be approached with respect and acknowledgement of their Armenianness.

There can be a multitude of steps that could demonstrate a new attitude of Ankara and the past treated with more openness and more regret.

The current government has been inconsistent about its rhetoric on Armenia. There are positive developments, such as more open debate. But on the other hand, while suggesting a historical commission, [Turkish leaders] claim with certainty that there was no genocide. If you are proposing a free and independent study, you can't be making a judgment like that before the study is realized.

AR: Regarding the historical commission, do you see it as purely an element of the public-relations effort – to deflect genocide recognition – or could there be an opportunity there as well?

NG: I don't think [a commission], a state-driven initiative, would change the hearts and minds of Turks and Armenians, nor that it should.

It depends on how it is designed, what its mandate is. I think a commission to facilitate research on this issue can only help, if it is going to involve opening of archives, a meeting of minds, independent scholars from around the world, a platform for discussion that is open and constructive, then fine.

But we have to adjust our expectations. I don't think anybody really expects that [a commission] would work and solve the differences. I think we should be used to different opinions that can come closer together over time, but not necessarily be resolved all together.

I think when there is a critical mass in [Turkish] society leaning in a particular way, the government will follow that lead.

AR: Why should a critical mass of Turks care about Armenia or the Armenian issue?

NG: Because the Armenian issue is a core issue when it comes to Turkish identity, and the state's relationship [with the public]. When you see liberal intellectuals confronting the state in Turkey, the Armenian issue is one of the issues at hand.

It symbolizes the Turkish state's monopoly over history learning for many years. The Armenian issue is not the only issue that the Turkish education system has selectively opposed; there are many others.

As Taner Akcam noted, the issue is not Armenia; the issue is the Turkish state and its relationship with its citizens. And as Turkish society evolves and becomes more democratic, there will be more questions about what else we have been misled about or not allowed to speak of freely.

In the end, what it means to be a Turk is very intertwined with the Armenian issue.

Going from words to deeds

AR: Do you think Turkey will ever come to a point when it would be ready to offer some sort of compensation – financial or even physical – for the Armenian Genocide?

NG: There has been very positive progress in recent years in terms of allowing for a more open debate in Turkey about Ottoman Armenians, giving more space to challenging views. And considerable progress on minority issues in Turkey. On culture, too, there have been important strides forward: restoration of a church in Diyarbakir is now underway, for example, due partly to changes in foundations law recently.

In terms of compensation [pauses]. I don't think there is a way to hold Turkey legally liable in the foreseeable future. Turkey might be interested in making some gestures toward the Armenians who are descendants of Anatolia families. There is a discussion among intellectuals in Turkey as to what kind of gestures these could be. From benefits in acquiring lands to inviting members of the diaspora to help them find their roots, it is a wide range of possibilities.

Would Turkey actually be sitting down to try to determine financial compensation? We have not found legal ground for that. In foreseeable future, I think gestures will be of different nature.

There is, I think, genuine desire in Ankara to right some wrongs of the past, but there is also a risk of moving too fast and generating a political backlash.

Considering the defensive tone that has dominated in Turkey – you just can't go from that [to paying compensation]. More time is needed.

AR: From an Armenian perspective, of course, plenty of time has elapsed – more than 90 years.

NG: Definitely. But if you look at how much Turkey changed on this issue in the last nine years – it is much more than any change that had occurred from 1915 to 2000. Since 2000 there has been dramatic change. So don't look at the last 90 years, look at the last nine years.

Karabakh linkage and purpose of the "road map"

AR: What about the conflict in Karabakh? Do you see Turkey continuing to side with Azerbaijan on that to the degree it has until now, or do you see a debate and possible evolution there?

NG: The Karabakh issue is difficult. Most people in Turkey see a grave injustice committed to detriment of Azeris and that also no one in the world acknowledges that.

For Turks that is seen as "classical" example of Turkish people being wronged by the international community. Believe it or not, there is a complex of victimization psychology in Turkey as well and in that sense [Azerbaijan] is seen as an extension of Turkey.

But the perception of Turkey and Azerbaijan being "ethnic" brethren is stronger than the reality of it.

Secondly, there is also a feeling for many in Ankara that a Karabakh resolution is not that difficult and can even be done this year, and that is where there is a lack of realism.

But if you ask, who in this region has taken land and given it back, it is hard to find example of that. So, there is not a simplified view of Karabakh [in Turkey]; there is not a very good understanding of it.

There is also a fear of "losing" Azerbaijan to Russia, grounded or not. And the sentiment is that there is more vested economic interest of Turkey in Azerbaijan than there could be in Armenia.

Those in the Turkish press who argued that Turkey should take the Azerbaijani side – who are a minority right now – [tend to] engage in very simple economic calculations, comparing populations and energy resources.

AR: So where do you see Turkey going on this issue?

NG: The Turkish prime minister [Recep Tayyip Erdogan] has said over and over again in April and in May that there would be no normalization with Armenia until there is resolution in Karabakh. He said that so many times in so many different environments that it is difficult to conceive that he could do something that would be totally detached.

What he could do is spin some kind of development on Karabakh – that may not necessarily be a major development – as one more important than it really is and say, OK, this justifies a step toward Armenia. And there could be more steps like that, starting with establishment of diplomatic relations.

But it would be politically very difficult to disconnect [Armenia-Turkey relations] from Karabakh.

AR: What was then the purpose of the April 22 declaration by Armenia, Switzerland, and Turkey? Was it just a kind of "cease-fire" agreement to try to preempt "bad" resolutions in foreign parliaments?

NG: Turkey might hope that the "road map" would serve as a disincentive for some countries to pass genocide resolutions. Some people in Turkey might think that that might serve that purpose.

But whoever signs that paper on behalf of Armenia, be it president or foreign minister, does not have the authority to prevent the diaspora in the rest of the world from acting.

So, if that is the intention, then it is not realistic. But I don't think that is the only intention either. I would like to think that there is more to it than that.

Bryza & Baku, anti-trafficking progress, lobbying against Gen. Res., Kyrgyz and Iran elections

This was first published in June 20, 2009 Armenian Reporter

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Possible pick for U.S. ambassador to Azerbaijan criticized

U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matt Bryza, left, with Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev, right, during the latest Armenian-Azerbaijani summit in Russia, June 5. . Armenian president's press office

Matt Bryza, who has been the U.S. envoy for Karabakh negotiations since 2005, may be considered for a posting as U.S. ambassador to Azerbaijan, a well-connected Foreign Policy magazine blog, The Cable, reported on June 12.

Mr. Bryza declined to comment when asked about the report by the Armenian Reporter.

The Cable cited former Clinton and Bush administration officials who raised concerns that Mr. Bryza's reputed closeness to Georgia's leadership - and his handling of the Ossetia crisis last year - might irritate Moscow, thus undermining U.S. efforts to engage with Russia.

In his current capacity, Mr. Bryza was frequently a target of criticism for his contradictory and controversial remarks on Karabakh. Last February, Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Tigran Balayan charged him with "hindering the negotiation process," Arminfo reported at the time.

Writing in Harper's website on June 17, Washington-based investigative journalist Ken Silverstein described Mr. Bryza as a "friend of the Azeri dictator" Ilham Aliyev.

Prior to dealing with Karabakh as an deputy assistant secretary of state, Mr. Bryza managed Caucasus and Turkey affairs at the White House in 2001-2005 and before that was the deputy U.S. envoy for Caspian energy in 1998-2001, dealing mainly with Azerbaijan.

Armenian sources familiar with Mr. Bryza's work at the State Department were harsh in their assessments of his track record.

Asked to comment, California Courier publisher Harut Sassounian told the Armenian Reporter, "everyone is tired of Bryza's antics of repeatedly saying one thing in one capital and then denying it in a second capital. He has cried wolf too many times and has lost all credibility."

Another source, who asked not to be named, predicted that "should Mr. Bryza become the president's nominee, he can expect comprehensive congressional questioning over his role" in U.S. policy in the Caucasus.

Separately, The Cable reported that Nancy McEldowney, the former deputy chief of U.S. diplomatic missions in Ankara (2004-2007) and Baku (2001-2004), will become the principal deputy assistant secretary of state for Eurasia.

State Dept. sees improvement in Armenia’s anti-trafficking policy

Armenia has been removed from the U.S. human trafficking "watch list," the State Department reported on June 16. After spending five years on the list, Armenia was credited with "significant efforts" to meet U.S. standards on fighting trafficking in persons, although it was still short of meeting them.

The U.S. Congress passed the Trafficking Victims Protection Act in 2001, mandating that the State Department issue annual reports that rate the world's efforts to counter human trafficking for the purposes of forced labor or prostitution.

Theoretically, the most egregious offenders could see a cut in U.S. aid. But no sanctions have ever been implemented under the act. See http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/06/124872.htm for the complete report.

U.S. companies with Turkey interests lobby against Genocide resolution

Major arms producers BAE Systems Inc., Goodrich Corp., Northrop Grumman Corp., Raytheon Co., and United Technologies Corp. and energy producer Chevron Corp. lobbied against the Armenian Genocide resolution introduced in U.S. Congress earlier this year, The Associated Press reported on June 12 citing mandatory lobbying disclosures.

The companies spent a total of $14 million on lobbying for contracts and tax incentives and it was unclear how much of the amount was spent against the congressional resolution. Additional lobbying for Turkey is done by firms hired directly by the Turkish government and Turkish-American entities.

Seeking to win Ankara's favor, U.S. corporations looking to do business in Turkey have long lobbied against honoring Armenian lives lost in the Genocide.

One the resolution's main sponsors, Rep. Adam Schiff (D.-Calif.) charged the companies involved with not being ‘‘good corporate citizens.''

U.S. seeks to keep Kyrgyzstan airbase

President Obama sent a letter to Kyrgyz president Kurmanbek Bakiyev emphasizing the importance of bilateral security ties, the Kyrgyz government reported on June 11, according to news agencies.

The letter was meant as a fresh appeal for the Central Asian nation to reverse its decision to close a U.S. air base on its soil that has been used in support of Afghanistan operations. Last February, Kyrgyzstan gave the United States six months to close the base after receiving a $2 billion aid package from Russia.

During a regional summit meeting in Yekatirinburg, Russia, on June 16, Mr. Bakiyev pledged continued cooperation with the United States on Afghanistan security.

Paul Quinn-Judge, the Bishkek-based analyst for the International Crisis Group, a Brussels think tank, told Eurasianet.org on June 17 that current expectations are that the U.S. base would stay open in spite of an earlier decision to close it by August 18.

Mr. Bakiyev is seen as hedging his bets, as he faces an election contest on July 22.

World watching Iran’s post-election crisis

Street clashes and large-scale protests that followed Iran's June 12 presidential election continue to grab headlines as the United States and others try to make sense of the crisis, watching for any potential impact it might have on Iran's relations with the world.

Official figures gave the incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad more than 60 percent of the vote and a first-round victory against former prime minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi, who was credited with about half as many votes. But Mr. Mousavi's supporters and sympathizers say the vote was a sham and have held protests demanding its annulment.

While President Barack Obama said he did not want to be seen as "meddling" in Iran's politics, he implicitly criticized the handling of the vote and most of America's political class remained overtly hopeful that Mr. Ahmadinejad, known for his controversial rhetoric, could be sidelined.

Meanwhile, China and Russia were quick to recognize Mr. Ahmadinejad's victory, with Russia's President Dmitry Medvedev hosting Iran's president on June 16 for a regional summit meeting.

In Europe, France's President Nicolas Sarkozy was most outspoken. Shortly before attending the funeral of Gabon's ruler of more than 40 years and France's protégé, Mr. Sarkozy criticized Iran's election as a "fraud" and its government reaction "brutal."

In scenes reminiscent of recent election-related crises in Armenia and Georgia, angry opposition supporters filled the streets of the capital Tehran and other major cities, while pro-government groups sought to counter with demonstrations of their own. On June 15 seven protestors were killed as they tried to make their way inside the headquarters of Basij, the pro-government militia.

Observers have compared the post-election ferment to demonstrations that preceded the 1979 Islamic Revolution that overthrew Iran's Shah. But in a major difference, in addition to support in the streets, Mr. Mousavi has strong endorsements from within Iran's establishment, including two of Mr. Ahmadinejad's predecessors as president, Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005) and Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989–97) – who continues to hold powerful posts – as well as many celebrities.

Iran's supreme leader for the last 20 years, Ali Khamenei, under pressure from some fellow religious leaders, has already called for a partial recount of votes.

The ongoing crisis follows an earlier setback for Iran in Lebanon, where a Tehran-backed coalition failed to unseat a ruling alliance backed by the West and Saudi Arabia in June 7 elections.

Clinton on Armenia-Turkey; MCC aid cut; Azerbaijan PNTR; new DoD manager for Eurasia

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Secretary Clinton remains upbeat on Armenia-Turkey talks

There has been "no flagging of commitment" to the normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said on June 5. She was speaking at a joint press conference with visiting Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoglu.

Asked whether she remained hopeful about a resolution of Armenian-Turkish relations on a bilateral track or in the Karabakh conflict since the statement by Armenia, Switzerland, and Turkey was issued on April 22, Mrs. Clinton said she remained "very encouraged by progress that has been made and commitment by governments involved."

Mrs. Clinton emphasized that Armenia and Turkey "have committed themselves to a process of normalization"; although she also counseled there was a need for "patience and perseverance" to achieve results in what she said was a "difficult undertaking" addressing longstanding issues.

She also pointed to this week's Armenia-Azerbaijan presidential summit in Saint Petersburg as evidence of progress in the Karabakh peace process.

Although immediately after the April 22 statement, the United States emphasized the need for the normalization of Armenia-Turkey relations to take place "without preconditions and within a reasonable timeframe," U.S. officials have since linked progress in these talks to the Karabakh negotiations, describing the two processes as parallel.

Armenian officials insist there should be "no parallelism" or any other linkages between the two processes.

The United States also has not defined what it would consider to be "a reasonable timeframe," with Mrs. Clinton again saying that it was up to Armenia and Turkey to continue "on the path they themselves have set," and that the United States was only acting in a supporting role.

For his part, Mr. Davutoglu reiterated that Turkey "is fully committed to normalization with Armenia and resolution of Armenian-Azeri issues."

U.S. agency cuts $67 million in Armenia funding

The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) board met on June 10 and decided that it "will not resume funding for any further road construction and rehabilitation" in Armenia, the agency said in a press release.

The MCC's five-year $235 million Armenia compact originally included $67 million for road construction and repair and $146 million for agriculture projects. The latter projects have continued.

"MCC regrets that it cannot move forward with funding road construction in Armenia," the corporation's acting CEO, Rodney Bent, said in a statement. "The responsibility for this outcome remains with the government of Armenia, whose actions have been inconsistent with the eligibility criteria that are at the heart of the MCC program. I do not anticipate that the Board will revisit this issue in the future."

The agency first introduced a hold on road projects after U.S. officials blamed the Armenian government for the violence that followed last year's presidential elections.

The latest ruling comes after the May 31 election for the Yerevan city council, the conduct of which received a mixed review from observers, including criticism from the U.S. Embassy.

The MCC is chaired by the secretary of state and its decisions are influenced by State Department determinations on whether a country is making progress toward meetings eligibility criteria.

[Asked by the Armenian Reporter for comment late on June 11, the head of media relations for Armenia's Foreign Ministry, Tigran Balayan, said the ministry had been focused on a visit from the Estonian foreign minister and had no immediate comment.]

Proposed removal of U.S. trade restrictions for Azerbaijan questioned

Armenian organizations are questioning the rationale and timing for the efforts to remove Soviet-era trade sanctions against Azerbaijan – commonly referred to as the Jackson-Vanik amendment.

On June 4 Reps. Robert Wexler (D.-Fla.) and Bill Shuster (R.-Pa.), who co-chair the Turkey and Azerbaijan caucuses, respectively, introduced House Resolution 2742 "to authorize the extension of nondiscriminatory treatment (normal trade relations treatment) to the products of Azerbaijan," which would terminate the restriction vis-à-vis Azerbaijan. The bill has since been referred to the House Ways and Means Committee.

Azerbaijan and all other former Soviet republics and satellite states inherited the restriction in the aftermath of the Soviet breakup. It was originally intended to promote human rights, particularly freedom of emigration. Rarely enforced, it has been a symbolic measure and successive U.S. presidents have annually waived the restriction.

Jackson-Vanik restrictions had been previously removed for former Soviet republics that joined or were about to join the World Trade Organization (WTO). Although Azerbaijan first applied for WTO membership in 1997, it has until now showed little interest in joining the group.

"The consideration of this ill-timed legislation would afford Members of Congress a valuable opportunity to review Azerbaijan's unacceptable behavior on a range of issues – from its arms build-up and its threats of renewed aggression against Armenia to its authoritarian political system and systematic destruction of Christian Armenian cultural heritage," Aram Hamparian of the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) told the Armenian Reporter.

Ross Vartian of the U.S.-Armenia Public Affairs Committee (USAPAC) added, "The United States cannot grant Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) to a nation like Azerbaijan that blockades another nation, Armenia, in violation of U.S. law."

The Obama administration has not yet taken a public position on the proposed legislation.

Meanwhile, the State Department's incoming assistant secretary for political-military affairs, Andrew Shapiro, praised Azerbaijan for "cooperating in good faith" in the Karabakh peace process and indicated that the United States would continue security assistance to Azerbaijan, the ANCA reported on June 10.

The comment came as part of Mr. Shapiro's confirmation process and was in response to questions from Sen. Barbara Boxer (D.-Calif.) who raised the issue of Azerbaijani war threats against Armenia and continued U.S. security assistance to Azerbaijan.

Pentagon’s Eurasia manager appointed

American University professor Celeste Wallander was appointed deputy assistant secretary of defense for Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia policy, the Department of Defense reported on June 9.

The new appointee is an expert on Russia and has also written on U.S. policy toward Iran. In her analyses, Ms. Wallander has sought to counter the frequently alarmist descriptions of Russia's intentions, portraying Moscow leaders as primarily pragmatic and their policies as seeking to manage rather than confront America's dominance in world affairs.

Prior to her appointment, Ms. Wallander led the Program on New Approaches to Research and Security (PONARS) that focused on the former Soviet space, particularly the Caucasus, and was first housed at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and since 2007 at Georgetown University.

Discussing last year's Russian-Georgian war, Ms. Wallander told PBS NewsHour that "in traditional security terms, the Caucasus is in a geostrategically important part of the world."

"The Caucasus is just north of Iraq and Iran," she elaborated. "It's just west of Central Asia, which involves Afghanistan. So all these regions are areas in which the United States is militarily engaged because these are where the security challenges of the 21st century are."

ANCA vs. Obama; Hillary to Serge; Gordon cleared; Turkish-Azeri lobby; Putin & Erdogan

This was first published in May 23, 2009 Armenian Reporter

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

ANCA charges Obama with “grave offense” to Armenian Americans

In a strongly worded communication, the Armenian National Committee of America's chair Ken Hachikian urged President Barack Obama to "revise the course your Administration has chosen on issues of special concern to Armenia Americans."

The May 18 letter by the largest Armenian-American advocacy organization identified President Obama's recent foreign-aid request but especially the failure to uphold his pledge to recognize the Armenian Genocide as "a grave offense to Armenian Americans and a disservice to all Americans."

While continuing the Bush administration's policy of deference to Turkey and avoiding the term genocide when discussing the Ottoman-Armenian experience, President Obama and his officials have sought to emphasize the importance of Armenia-Turkey talks.

Sources familiar with discussions prior to the president's April 24 statement told the Armenian Reporter that a senior administration official had argued that the statement should forego the term genocide in order not to hinder an anticipated breakthrough between Armenia and Turkey. According to the Turkish press, the United States was also behind securing the April 22 Armenian-Turkish statement announcing progress in talks.

But the ANCA argued, "ongoing dialogue between Armenia and Turkey should have no bearing on [President Obama's] willingness to speak the truth about the Armenian Genocide; our stand against all instances of genocide should be unconditional."

[ANCA endorsed Mr. Obama's presidential bid in early 2008 and actively campaigned for his candidacy throughout the primary and general election.]

U.S. reassures Armenia on Turkey talks

A letter from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton sent to Armenian President Serge Sargsian last week reiterated U.S. support for Armenia-Turkey talks.

The letter came just as Turkish leaders again ruled out normalization of relations unless Armenia makes concessions on the Karabakh issue, and an aide to Azerbaijan's president alleged that there was no progress on that issue because the United States and other mediators had a "Christian bias" in favor of Armenia.

The United States has supported Armenia's efforts to normalize relations with Turkey quickly and without preconditions, but the administration has identified no concrete timeframe and is seeking to achieve "parallel" progress in Karabakh talks.

Asked about the letter's intent, a State Department spokesperson told the Armenian Reporter that the letter was private and he could not comment on it.

The Armenian president's office said on May 15 that the letter also dealt with bilateral relations, including U.S. aid to Armenia channeled through the Millennium Challenge Corporation, whose board is chaired by Mrs. Clinton, and stressed the importance of free and fair conduct of the May 31 elections for Yerevan city council.

State Department’s new Eurasia manager confirmed

Philip Gordon, the Obama administration's nominee for assistant secretary of state for Europe and Eurasia, was confirmed by the Senate on May 14, the Foreign Policy magazine blog The Cable reported the following morning.

According to earlier reports, Mr. Gordon's nomination was held up for over a month by Sen. John Ensign (R.-Nev.) because of Mr. Gordon's opposition to U.S. affirmation of the Armenian Genocide.

According to an anonymous source cited by Greek News on May 13, Mr. Ensign decided to drop his hold, first introduced in early April, after Armenia announced it had agreed to a normalization process with Turkey in a joint April 22 statement.

Meanwhile, in response to an inquiry from Sen. Robert Menendez (D.-N.J.) as part of the confirmation process, Mr. Gordon's previous employer the Brookings Institution reported receiving more than $710,000 in funding from Turkish corporate entities since 2006. Most of the money went toward Brookings' Turkey program, run by former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey Mark Parris.

In responses to Mr. Menendez's written questions, also published by Greek News, Mr. Gordon studiously avoided the term genocide, while "mourning" the deaths of 1.5 million Ottoman Armenians, recalled his support for Turkey "to come to terms with its history" and improve relations with Armenia, "if Armenia shows a real commitment to a solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict."

Mr. Gordon's responses indicated no change to U.S. policy of restricted engagement with authorities of Nagorno-Karabakh and continued U.S. humanitarian aid to its residents.

Turkey, Azerbaijan boosters hold Washington events

Hardly a week goes by in the U.S. capital without a public event intended to extol the importance of Turkey to the world. Less frequently, but also on regular basis, the Azerbaijani government's mercenaries gather to discuss ways to ingratiate that eccentric regime to the Washington establishment.

On May 14 Rep. Robert Wexler (D.-Fla.), chair of the House Europe Subcommittee and co-chair of the congressional Turkey caucus, held what has become a biannual hearing on Turkey. This time the hearing was titled, "The United States and Turkey: A Model Partnership."

The hearing brought together Ian Lesser of the U.S. German Marshall Fund, David Phillips of the Atlantic Council of the United States, and Stephen Flanagan of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, who testified to the partnership's virtues.

Also on May 14, an event, "Azerbaijan and the West: Strategic Partnership at Eurasia's Crossroads," included Glen Howard and Vlad Socor of the Jamestown Foundation, a local think tank; Brenda Shaffer of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry's Diplomatic Academy; and Dan Fata, until recently a deputy assistant secretary of defense dealing with the Caucasus and now vice president at Cohen Group, a lobby shop run by former defense secretary Bill Cohen.

Putin meets Erdogan, indicates no change in Russia’s Karabakh policy

Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan at a joint press conference in Sochi, Russia, May 16, 2009.

Meeting with visiting Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Russian premier Vladimir Putin appeared disinclined to lean on either Armenia or Azerbaijan to attempt any kind of settlement of the Karabakh standoff. Mr. Erdogan apparently had promised to raise the issue with Mr. Putin after visiting Azerbaijan last week.

Talking to the media following their May 16 meeting in the resort town of Sochi, Mr. Putin reiterated the Russian policy language that it was up to the parties to find an agreement.

"As to the difficult problems that we inherited from the past, which includes the Karabakh problem, a compromise must be found by the conflicting parties themselves," Mr. Putin said, when asked about the issue by a Turkish journalist. "All other states that are helping achieve that compromise can only serve as mediators and guarantors of implementation of agreements [that might be] achieved."

The talks focused on the expansion of Russian natural-gas exports to Turkey and plans to build four nuclear reactors in Turkey with Russia's participation.

According to RIA Novosti, this was the eighth meeting between Mr. Putin and Mr. Erdogan since December 2004, with these frequent contacts reflecting an expanding bilateral relationship. The 2008 bilateral trade turnover surpassed $33 billion, with Russia replacing Germany as Turkey's largest trade partner. Turkey is in turn Russia's fifth-largest trade partner.

On top of energy, economic relations include more than $20 billion in contracts won by Turkish construction companies in Russia over the last decade and growing Russian arms sales to Turkey.

Obama deals with Armenian genocide issue by sticking close to Clinton-Bush approach; new Caspian envoy appointed

First published in April 25, 2009 Armenian Reporter

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Obama, Biden tout genocide prevention

On April 23, President Barack Obama and Vice President Joe Biden both took part in events to mark Holocaust Remembrance Day.

In a speech at the Capitol Rotunda, Mr. Obama stressed the importance of confronting genocide denial as well as working toward genocide prevention.

“We have the opportunity to commit ourselves to resisting injustice, intolerance, and indifference in whatever forms they may take, whether confronting those who tell
lies about history or doing everything we can to prevent and end atrocities,” the president said.

[The following day, on April 24, Pres. Obama deferred to Turkey in not using the term Armenian genocide in his first Armenian Remembrance Day statement. The statement, which again referred to Mr. Obama's past affirmation of the genocide, caused a mild irritation of the Turkish government and was harshly criticized by Armenian American organizations. - E.S.]

Genocide prevention should be treated “not just as a moral imperative,” but also as a “national security priority,” Vice President Biden said in remarks at a U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum event.

Responding to genocide is “strategically necessary,” he said. “When genocide goes unchecked America’s credibility and leadership is tarnished.”

U.S. avoids Armenian genocide references, promotes Armenia-Turkey talks

Vice President Joe Biden telephoned President Serge Sargsian twice this week to discuss Armenia’s talks with Turkey, and the State Department encouraged the two countries to reach “normalization [of relations] without preconditions and within a reasonable timeframe.”

According to the Armenian president’s office, the first conversation took place on April 20. Just two days later the Armenian and Turkish foreign ministries issued a joint statement. That April 22 statement committed Armenia and Turkey to continued talks on normalization of relations in accordance with a “road map” that has not yet been made public. The same day, the State Department welcomed the development in a press release.

In a follow-up call on April 23, Mr. Biden welcomed the “statement regarding [Armenia’s and Turkey’s] commitment to normalize their relations,” the White House press office reported the same day. He also “applauded President Sargsian’s leadership, and underscored the Administration’s firm support for both Armenia and Turkey in this process.”

Also this week, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton expressed optimism about Armenia- Turkey talks and the Karabakh peace process. Speaking in hearings held by congressional committees two days before Armenian Genocide Commemoration Day and just hours before a joint Armenia-Turkis statement on talks, Mrs. Clinton did not refer to and was not asked about the genocide.

Like her predecessor Condoleezza Rice did in the past, Mrs. Clinton only alluded to the Genocide as “shared tragic history” that needs to be addressed by Armenians and Turks.

At the House Foreign Affairs committee on April 22, the subject of Armenia was brought up by Turkey Caucus co-chair Rep. Robert Wexler (D.-Fla.) who asked about “possible extraordinary breakthroughs” between Armenia and Turkey. (As it turned out Mr. Wexler had "heads up" from State Department and/or Ankara about the upcoming joint statement.)

Turkish officials and their Washington lobbyists have been playing up the likelihood of such a “breakthrough” for weeks, while simultaneously warning U.S. leaders not to refer to the Genocide, as that might prevent the would-be “breakthroughs.”

Mrs. Clinton responded that she has “been very encouraged by the bold steps that have recently been taken by Turkish and Armenian leaders to reconcile their countries with each other and with their shared and painful past.” She did not specify the “bold steps,” adding that the United States has been asked to and was supporting Armenia-Turkey “reconciliation” efforts.

Hillary Clinton "reassures" Azerbaijan about Karabakh talks


Mr. Wexler also asked about the Karabakh conflict. In response, Mrs. Clinton said the United States has “assured the government of Azerbaijan that we will intensify our efforts to resolve the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh and other outstanding issues between Azerbaijan and Armenia.”

She promised that the United States would continue to be “deeply engaged” through the OSCE Minsk Group, adding that she hoped that “there will be some resolution in the next month.”

Asked about that latter comment, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matt Bryza declined to comment on the secretary’s stated timeframe, but said that he, along with the French and Russian envoys for Karabakh talks “welcome continuing progress in efforts with Armenia and Azerbaijan to resolve the final differences in the Basic Principles for a Nagorno-Karabakh settlement.”

In a comment to the Armenian Reporter, Mr. Bryza added, “The presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan are demonstrating mutual respect for each other, as they engage in give-and-take discussions that are gaining momentum.” Foreign aid

Also at the hearing, committee member Rep. Brad Sherman (D.- Calif.) suggested that the United States should increase aid to Armenia and either “eliminate or at least maintain parity” in military aid to Azerbaijan; the secretary of state was expected to respond to that issue in writing.

On April 23, Mrs. Clinton spoke to the House Foreign Operations Subcommittee, which authorizes foreign affairs funding, to request an additional $7 billion for State Department and foreign operations as part of an $84 billion in supplemental funding request for wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

The supplemental also included “assistance for Georgia that the prior administration promised that we believe we should fulfill,” Mrs. Clinton said in a prepared statement. Shortly after the war last August, the Bush administration pledged $1 billion in aid to Georgia.

Clinton-era official re-appointed as U.S.’ Caspian envoy

On April 20 Ambassador Richard Morningstar was appointed Special Envoy for Eurasian Energy to “provide the Secretary [of State] with strategic advice on policy issues relating to development, transit, and distribution of energy resources in Eurasia.”

Amb. Morningstar already worked in similar capacity in 1998–99, before being appointed U.S. ambassador to the European Union (1999–2001). In 1995–98, Mr. Morningstar was the official in charge of U.S. aid programs in the former Soviet republics. In recent years he was an adjunct lecturer at Harvard and Stanford universities.

Amb. Morningstar is now likely to focus on what is known as the Nabucco gas pipeline – intended to link non-Russian gas producers such as Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and possibly Iran to European consumers via pipelines that don’t cross Russia and thus reduce Europe’s dependence on that country.

In recent months, the Nabucco scheme came under greater strain as Azerbaijan hinted it might sell its natural gas to Russia, and Turkey sought to use the project as leverage in its talks with the EU, which has already authorized some initial funding for the gas pipeline.

April 24 commemorations

Armenians around the world commemorate the Genocide
by Maria Titizian and Emil Sanamyan
Published: Friday April 24, 2009

Yerevan and Washington - Hundreds of thousands of people, from near and far, today made the solemn journey to Tzitzernaka­berd, the Armenian Genocide memorial here, to lay flowers and pay tribute to the memory of the 1.5 million Armenians who were made to waste away in death marches or were killed outright in the Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire in 1915-17.

In Washington, President Barack Obama issued a statement on "the 1.5 million Armenians who were massacred or marched to their death in the final days of the Ottoman Empire," avoiding the term genocide.

In a reference to his campaign pledges that as president he would recognize the Genocide, Mr. Obama wrote, "I have consistently stated my own view of what occurred in 1915, and my view of that history has not changed. My interest remains the achievement of a full, frank and just acknowledgment of the facts."

But, the president argued, "the best way to advance that goal right now is for the Armenian and Turkish people to address the facts of the past as a part of their efforts to move forward."

Reacting to the statement, Ken Hachikian of the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) voiced "sharp disappointment with President Obama's failure to honor his solemn pledge to recognize the Armenian Genocide."

Ross Vartian of the U.S.-Armenia Public Affairs Committee (USAPAC) said in a statement, "President Obama's first April 24 statement became a lost opportunity to affirm the Armenian Genocide."

On April 22 House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D.-Calif.) and Majority Leader Rep. Steny Hoyer (D.-Md.) along with fellow members of Congress joined hundreds of Armenian Americans and friends for the annual congressional commemoration of the Armenian Genocide.

"It is long past the time for the United States to formally recognize the Armenian Genocide," the Speaker said. "How far we can go with the resolution this year depends on the outreach that each and every one of us can do to win on the floor of the House," she argued.

"We can do any amount of inside maneuvering in the Congress and Washington, but what is important is the outside mobilization to bring to bear the voices of people across America."

Meanwhile, the Turkish government briefly recalled "for consultations" its ambassador to Canada after Canadian officials attended an Armenian Genocide commemorative event.

Ambassadors accredited in Armenia were also at the Genocide memorial. U.S. envoy Amb. Marie Yovanovitch said, "The prayers of all Americans are with the Armenian people at this time, so we are pleased to be able to be here and to be able to pay our respects."

Ukraine's envoy, Ambassador Alexander Bozhko told Armenpress that the Ukrainian people share Armenia's anguish. "An entire civilization was exterminated - a notable part of the Armenian people. I've translated Sasuntsi David; I've translated Vardan Vardanian's novel Komitas; Mushegh Galshoian's novels about Western Armenia; I know what took place in reality," said the ambassador.

Members of Congress mark April 24 with calls for U.S. recognition of Armenian Genocide
by Emil Sanamyan
Published: Thursday April 30, 2009

Speaker Nancy Pelosi addressing the annual congressional commemoration of the Armenian Genocide on April 22, 2009. She called for “mass mobilization” to surmount opposition to the Armenian Genocide resolution but did not pledge to act on the measure now backed by more than 100 members of the House of Representatives. Armenian Reporter

Washington, - As in years past, members of the U.S. Congress marked April 24, Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day, with speeches, statements, and pledges of support for the congressional resolution on the Genocide.

Among those attending the April 22 congressional commemoration held annually on the Capitol Hill and hosted by co-chairs of the Armenian Caucus Reps. Frank Pallone (D.-N.J.) and Mark Kirk (R.-Ill.) were House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D.-Calif.), House Majority leader Steny Hoyer (D.-Md.), Sen. Jack Reed (D.-R.I.) and 20 other members of Congress. (See the Armenian Reporter for April 25 for some of the comments and photos from the commemoration.)

Also this week support for H. Res. 252, affirming the U.S. record on the Armenian Genocide, increased to 116 House members. Statements by congressional leaders gave no indication of when the resolution might be considered by the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

The Congressional Record

Additionally, statements for the record were made by Senators Reed and Barbara Boxer (D.-Calif.), Reps. Pallone, Michele Bachmann (R.-Minn.), Howard Berman (D.-Calif.), Michael Capuano (D.-Mass.), Jim Costa (D.-Calif.), Jerry Costello (D.-Ill.), Scott Garrett (R.-N.J.), Carolyn Maloney (D.-N.Y.), Ed Markey (D.-Mass.), Gary Peters (R.-Mich.), Chris Van Hollen (D.-Md.), Tim Walz (D.-Minn.), Henry Waxman (D.-Calif.) and Frank Wolf (R.-Va.).

Last year, Sen. Boxer was the only member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to vote against the Bush administration's nominee for ambassador to Armenia; she took exception to the administration's policy on the Armenian Genocide issue. In her April 24 statement, the senator expressed support for recent talks between Armenia and Turkey, expressing hope that "this process will lead the Turkish Government to finally acknowledge the irrefutable truth of the Armenian genocide and also to greater peace and prosperity for the people of Armenia."

Referring to President Barack Obama's pre-election statements on the Genocide, Sen. Boxer stressed, "There is no need for further study or debate because we must never legitimize the views of those who deny the very worst of crimes against humanity."

Sen. Reed in his statement underscored the need "for our own country to recognize the Armenian genocide." He concluded the statement in Armenian "Menk panav chenk mornar - We will never forget."

Rep. Pallone expressed hope that "the U.S. Government can stand behind our statements and our promises" on the Armenian Genocide.

"If we are going to live up to the standards we set for ourselves and continue to lead the world in affirming human rights everywhere, we need to stand up and recognize the Armenian Genocide," Rep. Pallone said. "To not do so sends a message that we are complicit in Turkey's denial."

In a statement on April 22, Rep. Costa - who represents Fresno and San Joaquin Valley - recalled, "Year after year, we have seen the same standard letter from the White House which offers sympathy and apology for the ‘mass killings,' yet refused to label these events as genocide."

Rep. Costa added, "I am hopeful Madam Speaker, we finally escape from being under Turkey's thumb on this issue. It is vital our Nation has a foreign policy that accurately reflects history."

An April 28 statement by Rep. Wolf - a veteran Republican from northern Virginia - recalled that Raphael Lemkin's coinage of the word genocide "was driven largely by what happened to the Armenians."

Rep. Wolf said stressed, "there is power in speaking the truth, even about atrocities that occurred nearly a century ago so that other men with evil aims might not be empowered by our silence."

In his turn, Rep. Walz - who represents southern Minnesota - said he remained "committed to the public recognition of the fact of the Armenian genocide," noting that "it is the only way to make sure we are forever vigilant to prevent genocide in the future."

At the April 22 congressional commemoration, Rep. Walz was the only speaker to express his disappointment with President Obama's nonuse of the word genocide during his recent trip to Turkey.

"We hope the day will soon come when it is not just the survivors who honor the dead but also when those whose ancestors perpetrated the horrors acknowledge their terrible responsibility and commemorate as well the memory of genocide's victims," said Rep. Berman in his statement.

Rep. Berman chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee, to which the House Resolution 252 affirming the U.S. record on the Armenian Genocide has been referred since its introduction.

Pelosi on Gen. res., Hastert hired by Turks, ICG report, Georgian FM in DC

This was first published in April 18, 2009 Armenian Reporter

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Speaker Pelosi says she’s committed to Armenian Genocide affirmation

Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D.-Calif.) reiterated her support for affirmation of the U.S. record on the Armenian Genocide, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) reported.

In an April 14 letter to her constituents in California's 8th district, Speaker Pelosi noted that she "will continue to support official recognition of the Armenian genocide."

"A grave injustice was committed and the fact that our nation is not officially recognizing these crimes as genocide is a disappointment," Speaker Pelosi was quoted as saying.

The nonbinding House Resolution 252 (H. Res. 252), introduced last month, as of this week had the support of 94 members, somewhat less support than its predecessor resolution - H. Res. 106 - had two years ago in the previous Congress.

H. Res. 252 has been referred to the House Foreign Affairs Committee, chaired by another supporter of Armenian Genocide affirmation, Rep. Howard Berman (D.-Calif.). But it remains unclear when it might be considered by the Committee.

The Obama Administration has not yet taken a public position on H. Res. 252.

Ex-Speaker Hastert hired by Turkish lobby

The firm of former House Speaker Dennis Hastert (R.-Ill.) will receive $35,000 a month to lobby for the Turkish government, the Hill newspaper reported on April 10 citing public filings made to the Department of Justice as part of the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA).

Mr. Hastert was the Speaker of the House of Representatives between 1998 and 2006. In 2000, Mr. Hastert initially pledged to bring an Armenian Genocide resolution to a House vote after it passed in committee. Just as the resolution was to come to a vote - and pass - he deferred to the Clinton administration, and pulled the resolution off the agenda.

In August 2005, Vanity Fair magazine published a story referring to a federal investigation that looked into payments that Turkish diplomats allegedly discussed making to then-Speaker Hastert and others in U.S. government in an effort to prevent the Genocide resolution from passing in 2000.

While the speaker's staff denied any knowledge of the matter, in December 2005 Mr. Hastert shed himself of $70,000 in "tainted" campaign contributions, directing them to an unspecified charity, the Village Voice reported at the time.

Last February, Mr. Hastert's firm Dickstein Shapiro agreed to take on a sub-contract of Turkey's main government lobby DLA Piper, which is in turn led by former Democratic and Republican House leaders, Dick Gephardt (D.-Mo.) and Dick Armey (R.-Tex.)

DLA-Piper took up the main Turkey contract in May 2007, replacing the lobby of another former senior member of Congress, Bob Livingston, a Republican from Louisiana, who led the Turkish lobbying effort for nearly a decade before that, before Democrats swept the congressional election.

Crisis Group issues report on Armenia-Turkey issues

Armenia, the United States, and European and other countries should avoid "statements or international actions relating to [Armenian] genocide recognition that could inflame Turkish public opinion," the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG) recommended this week.

The 44-page report, "Armenia and Turkey: Opening Minds, Opening Borders," released on April 14, also recommended that Turkey de-link normalization of relations with Armenia from its preconditions related to the Karabakh conflict.

Last week, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan indicated that Turkey still insists on such preconditions, Agence France Presse reported, referring to the Anatolia news agency.

For weeks before President Barack Obama's trip to Turkey on April 5-7, Turkish officials have sought to portray Armenia-Turkey talks as nearing a breakthrough that could be upset should Mr. Obama deliver on his pre-election pledge to recognize the Armenian Genocide.

After Mr. Obama avoided the use of the genocide term while discussing Armenian issues in Turkey, Turkish leaders began to suggest that a breakthrough with Armenia was not that close after all.

A source familiar with the ICG report's preparation told the Armenian Reporter that ICG also waited to hear the words used by Mr. Obama on the subject of the Armenian Genocide. According to the source, the group delayed the release of the report to make sure it was aligned to the wording used by Mr. Obama.

ICG's proposals tend to be in line with policies of the United States and European Union.

Coming up: Armenian Genocide commemorative events in Washington

The co-chairs of the House Armenian Issues Caucus, Reps. Frank Pallone, Jr. (D.-N.J.), and Mark Kirk (R.-Ill.), on April 22 will host the annual congressional commemoration of the Armenian Genocide. The event traditionally brings together hundreds of Armenian-Americans and friends, who have an opportunity to meet and hear from members of Congress on Armenian issues.

The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) will host its third annual "End the Cycle of Genocide: Grassroots Capitol Campaign," between April 22 and 24. The campaign includes visits to offices of the members of Congress to discuss the importance of genocide affirmation.

The Armenian Youth Federation (AYF) will hold its annual protest outside the Turkish Embassy in the afternoon of April 24. Later the same afternoon the Armenian Embassy will host its annual wreath-laying and commemorative event.

Additionally, on April 23, the Armenian Students' Network will host a cultural event at George Washington University. On April 25, The Georgetown Boys: A Musical Tribute to Genocide Survival, performed by Hamazkayin, will be featured at the John F. Kennedy Center in Washington.

U.S. indicates neutrality on Georgia standoff

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton met visiting Georgian foreign minister Grigol Vashadze on April 14 to reiterate "U.S. support for Georgian independence and democracy," but she did not openly support President Mikheil Saakashvili, currently under siege by his domestic opposition.

Mr. Vashadze reportedly sought assurances that the Obama administration would continue to consider Georgian concerns as it sought to expand relations with Russia, The AP reported the same day.

Mrs. Clinton called the Georgian domestic confrontation "a very challenging time in the country's young democratic history." Protests in Tbilisi entered their second week, but appeared to be running out of steam, and the opposition showed signs of fracturing.

Opposition leaders, including several political figures previously aligned with Mr. Saakashvili, have charged the incumbent with authoritarianism and incompetence. Mr. Saakashvili offered to share power with the opposition, but his offer has been rejected.

Like Mr. Saakashvili, his political opponents support Georgia's accession to the U.S.-led NATO alliance. NATO announced on April 15 plans to hold a military exercise in Georgia this May, a move that Russia's envoy to NATO protested, requesting it be postponed.

Obama in Turkey, Gordon held-up, U.S. to talk to Iran

This was first published in April 11, 2009 Armenian Reporter.

Washington Briefing
by Emil Sanamyan

Obama visits Turkey, calls Azerbaijan

Pres. Obama enters a Mosque in Istanbul. White House photo.

President Barack Obama visited Turkey on April 6-7 in an effort to rebuild a troubled alliance and reach out to the Muslim world. The White House reported that on April 7, Mr. Obama also placed a call to the president of Azerbaijan.

Addressing the Turkish parliament, the U.S. president said he was "committed to renewing the alliance" that has come under strain as U.S. and Turkish policies on Iraq, Iran, and the Middle East conflict drifted further apart in recent years.

Mr. Obama said his visit was evidence of the importance he placed on U.S.-Turkish relations, although no formal agreements were announced during the trip. From the first days of his administration, Mr. Obama said he wanted to reach out to the Islamic world and was expected to visit a majority-Muslim country in the first months of his presidency.

In January, Turkey invited Mr. Obama to attend a United Nations conference dubbed the Alliance of Civilizations, held in Istanbul. The invitation led to an official visit to Turkey at the end of Mr. Obama's tour of Europe.

Speaking in parliament, Mr. Obama praised Turkey's founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and the Turkish political system, while also noting that there are disagreements and outstanding issues such as the history of Armenian-Turkish relations.

The latter subject also featured in a "good conversation" Mr. Obama had with Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev, in which the "U.S commitment to a strong relationship with Azerbaijan and to supporting progress toward a resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict" were reiterated.

According to Hurriyet newspaper, upset with reports of progress in Armenia­-­Turkey talks, Mr. Aliyev refused to attend the Alliance of Civilizations meeting even after being telephoned by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who reportedly promised a meeting with Mr. Obama.

Instead, Mr. Aliyev dispatched his daughter Leyla Aliyeva. Ms. Aliyeva serves as the Moscow representative for the Heydar Aliyev Foundation headed by her mother Mehriban Aliyeva.

State Department nominee held up over Armenian Genocide comments

Left out of President Obama's trip to Turkey was his pick for assistant secretary of state for Europe and Eurasia, Philip Gordon. According to Foreign Policy magazine, Mr. Gordon planned to depart after confirmation by the Senate on April 3, but his nomination was held up at the last moment.

In a statement issued on the same day, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) welcomed the "delay as a meaningful opportunity for senators to weigh the merits of approving a nominee with a record of arguing against [U.S.] recognition of the Armenian genocide." (See this page in the March 14 Armenian Reporter for some of Mr. Gordon's past comments on the subject.)

During a March 27 Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on Mr. Gordon's nomination, his views were scrutinized by Sen. Robert Menendez (D.-N.J.), who had previously blocked a Bush administration nominee for ambassador to Armenia over his comments on the Genocide.

But according to Foreign Policy, Mr. Menendez eventually decided not to block Mr. Gordon‘s candidacy and abstained in the committee vote.

On April 8, the Armenian Assembly of America reported that it was Sen. John Ensign (R.-Nev.) who requested the postponement of Mr. Gordon's confirmation. In 2007 Mr. Ensign was the main Republican co-sponsor of a Senate resolution on Armenian Genocide.

The Senate is expected to return to consideration of the nominee after its Easter recess.

U.S. joins talks with Iran, requests release of detainees

In a departure from Bush administration policy, the State Department said on April 8 that the United States will formally join other permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and Germany in their ongoing talks with Iran regarding its nuclear program.

Barack Obama advocated direct talks with Iran during his presidential campaign. Under George W. Bush, the United States insisted that Iran first halt nuclear fuel enrichment as a condition for U.S. participation in the talks.

Incidentally, on April 9 the New York Times reported that Iran had announced just days earlier making advances in its ability to enrich uranium.

On April 6, the State Department additionally urged Iran to release 34-year-old Silva Harotonian, an Iranian-Armenian employee of the U.S.-funded International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) imprisoned in Iran since last June.

The State Department's acting spokesperson Robert Wood said that charges against Ms. Harotonian - of plotting against the Iranian government on behalf of the United States - were "baseless" and that "she is reportedly in poor and deteriorating health as a direct consequence of her confinement."

Ms. Harotonian's case, first made public last January, was covered by the Los Angeles Times on April 2 and ABC News on April 7. (See also a story in the Reporter's Feb. 28 edition.)

Georgian opposition launches campaign for president’s ouster

Georgian opposition posters. Photo: Civil.ge

Political opponents of Georgian leader Mikheil Saakashvili began on April 9 what they promise will be continuing protests aimed at toppling the president, whom they blame for authoritarianism and last year's defeat in the war with Russia.

The opposition includes a number of past allies of Mr. Saakashvili's, including former parliament Speaker Nino Bourjanadze and former Ambassador to the United Nations Irakli Alasania, the two figures seen as frontrunners in a potential early election.

In a manifesto released before the campaign's launch, the opposition pledged to guarantee Mr. Saakashvili's personal security should he resign voluntarily. Mr. Saakashvili in turn offered dialogue to the opposition, but insists he will stay in office until his second term of office expires in 2013.